Wednesday, 3 April 2013

Notgeld, or Emergency Money

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


Jump to: navigation, search

A 50 Pfennig Notgeld banknote from 1922 issued by the municipality of Kunzendorf, Upper Silesia, Germany (after 1945 Kończyce, borough of Zabrze, Poland)
Notgeld (German for "emergency money" or "necessity money" ; "monnaie de nécessité" in French) is the name of money issued by an institution not authorized for money emission. This occurs usually when money is not available from the central bank. The best known emergency money emissions occurred in Germany and Austria around the end of the First World War, which is why the German term is used. Issuing institutions could be e.g. town savings banks, municipalities, private and state-owned firms. It was therefore not legal tender, but rather a mutually-accepted means of payment in a particular locale or site. Notgeld is different from occupation money that is issued by an occupying army during a war.
Notgeld was mainly issued in the form of (paper) banknotes. Sometimes other forms were used, as well: coins, leather, silk, linen, stamps, aluminium foil, coal, and porcelain; there are also reports of elemental sulfur being used, as well as all sorts of re-used paper and carton material (e.g. playing cards). These pieces made from playing cards are extremely rare and are known as Spielkarten, the German word for "playing card".

Contents

[edit] Notgeld during the Great War

A 1/2 Million Mark Notgeld coin from 1923 issued by the city of Hamburg, Germany
The first large issue of Notgeld started at the outbreak of World War I. Due to inflation—caused by the cost of the war—the value of the material that a coin was minted from was higher than the value of its denomination. Many institutions started to hoard coins. Additionally, the metals used to mint coins were needed for the production of war supplies. This caused a massive shortage of metal for coinage, which was remedied by issuing banknotes in small denominations.
As these banknotes were very colorful, they soon became a target for collectors. As the issuing bodies realized this demand, they continued to issue these notes beyond their economic necessity up till 1922. Quite often the validity period of the note had already expired when the notgeld was issued. The sets that were issued in 1920 and predominantly in 1921 were usually extremely colorful and depicted many subjects, such as local buildings, local scenes and local folklore/tales. Many series tell a short story, with often whimsical illustrations. These sets (that were not actually issued to go into circulation) were known as Serienscheine (a piece issued as a part of a series or set). As they were never issued to go into circulation, they are usually found in uncirculated condition, and are still collected by notgeld collectors all over the world.

[edit] Notgeld during the German hyperinflation

In 1922 inflation started to get out of control in Germany, leading to the German hyperinflation. Until 1923, the value of the mark deteriorated faster and faster and new money in higher denominations was issued constantly. The central bank could not cope with the logistics of providing the necessary supply of money, and Notgeld (Papiermark) was issued again—this time in denominations of thousands, millions and billions of Marks. Because the Mark became so unstable, Notgeld was also issued in the form of commodities or other currencies: wheat, rye, sugar, coal, wood, natural gas, electricity, gold, or US dollars. These pieces were known as Wertbeständige, or notes of "fixed value".
There were also notgeld coins that were made of compressed coal dust. These became quite rare, as most of them were eventually burned as fuel.

[edit] In Sweden 1715–1719

In Sweden, between 1715–1719, 42 million coins with the nominal value 1 daler silver were manufactured, but made in copper, with a much smaller metal value. All silver coins were collected by the government, which replaced them with the copper coins. They were called nödmynt ("emergency coins"). This was done to finance the Great Northern War. The government promised to exchange them into the correct value at a future time, a kind of bond made in metal. Only a small part of this value was ever paid.

[edit] External links



Monetary Reform Party

 

The money reform party logo - a set of scales

 

 

 

 

If you have ever wondered why the world is in the state it is in; why the environment is being destroyed, why the first world has so much and yet is in debt, the third world has so little and is also in debt. Then this site is for you.
How many times have we been told that this school, or that hospital can't be built unless we raise taxes? Or you perhaps you can't afford to take a cut in wage, to take the job you really want, because you have a mortgage and rising debts that you took out, to get money in order to support yourself and your family. Isn't it odd that we buy products that during their manufacture have destroyed forests, polluted seas and contaminated the air we breathe because we can't afford to pay for the better alternative.
Money is at the heart of all our lives. It is time to understand what money is and how it works.
The things you will read, will appal you. You have been deceived for a long time.
Please read the information on this site. It is imperative that we understand the true cause of our world's problems so that we can solve them.
By understanding how money really works you will be joining a growing movement of socially and environmentally conscious people who want to make a positive difference to our world and our own financial well being.
The Money Reform Party has been set up to address these problems
Now is the time.


Is the Governor of the Bank of England a secret money reformer?

One of the questions frequently asked of money reformers is the likelihood of their objective ever coming to fruition.
We live in an age of cynicism. With bankers expecting to cream off fat bonuses whilst their customers struggle to avoid bankruptcy, and with politicians of all the major parties failing to inspire with a noble vision of the future and pocketing ill-gotten 'expenses' whilst the economy crumbles, perhaps such cynicism is entirely justified. 'The great and the good' of our society and economy, 'they' who run things, have proved to have feet of clay.
Thus it is that when money reformers attempt to spread the word for their policy, explaining the fundamental faults inherent with the debt/money upon which our economy currently depends, and further expounding the myriad benefits that will flow from reform – the lifting of the debt burden from society at all levels, an easing of the cost of living for old and young, rich and poor, and a move towards a fairer, more stable and more sustainable future – it is easy for cynics to sneer and declare that 'they' will never let it happen.
Who 'they' are is rarely explained. 'They' remain largely unidentified, but 'they' are the people who run things. For many people, perhaps most, 'they' are corrupt politicians, greedy bankers, stifling bureaucrats, cost-cutting businessmen, myopic journalists, and maybe, even, the complacent 'haves' and the ignorant 'have-nots' of the rest of us.
Almost undoubtedly, amongst this number, the Governor of the Bank of England is likely to be accorded a prominent position, yet perhaps such a judgement is misplaced. The present Governor, Mr Mervyn King, set out his views of the banking systems of Britain and America in a speech given in October 2010, the text of which is repeated below.
This speech was given in terms that would be familiar and acceptable to an academic and business audience, with many laborious references to history, and to long dead economists (about which, at least, Keynes was right) and their theories, but there is much within it to suggest that Mr King is not at all antipathetic towards the aims of the money reform movement.
He rather dismisses the recent increase in capital requirement of Basel III as entirely inadequate. He refers favourably to the prevention of fractional reserve banking and calls the current system of banking (and presumably of money creation, as they are inseparable processes) the worst possible.
From a background where once the raising of an eyebrow was used to convey the deepest concern over a bank's practices, this is strong stuff. Read the speech yourself and decide.        

Read Positive Money's submission to the Independent Commission on Banking



Positive Money, nef (the new economics foundation), and Professor Richard Werner of the University of Southampton, have just made a joint submission to the ICB (Independent Commission on Banking). The Commission will be reporting back in September 2011, and the government should - in the absence of lobbyists - be prepared to accept and implement their proposals.

What Have We Recommended?

We've recommended the implementation of full-reserve banking for the UK, with power over the issue of the nation's money supply kept out of the hands of both vote-seeking politicians and profit-seeking banks. It is a proposal that could be implemented quickly (comfortably within 12 months) and that would have huge benefits for the economy as a whole. It may not be perfect, but it would be many times better than any banking system that we have had in the last 500 years. Download the submission below and let us know what you think.
Download the ICB Submission here (PDF, 1.1mb)

A Chance to End Debt as the Basis of the UK Money Supply

On 20th October 2010, the Government announced its Comprehensive Spending Review. It wishes to reduce its high level of debt. The National Debt now stands at over £900 billion.
Their desire is understandable. Debt is expensive. It costs money to be in debt, even for the Government, which is charged the lowest interest rates available commercially.
Unfortunately, there is a fundamental problem with the Government's plans. Almost the entire UK money supply consists of someone else's debt, whether that someone else is a private household, a business or the Government.

Total UK Money Supply and Debt

The total UK money supply (according to the Bank of England's Monetary and Financial Statistics) is £2,200 billion. Of this total, a mere £57 billion is in the form of notes and coins, and a whopping £1000 billion consists of what the commercial banks owe to each other – interbank debt.
This money supply is supported by nearly £1,500 billion of household debt - mostly mortgages, about £500 billion of corporate debt, over £900 billion of government debt - the National Debt, and, of course, £1000 billion of interbank debt.
If one removes the interbank debt from both sides of the equation, then the money available to the productive part of the UK economy - £1,200 billion - is supported by nearly £3,000 billion of private and public debt.

Paying off debt

Over the next four years, there will be cuts in public spending of £81 billion and an increase in taxes by £29 billion. This will amount to a reduction in the UK money supply of £110 billion, which is a significant proportion of the sum in circulation.
When a debt to a bank is paid off, that much money disappears from the money supply. For example, suppose you owe your bank £1000, in say a separate loan account, and suppose you earn or otherwise receive £1000 which you put into another account - a current account or a savings account, say. You still owe your bank £1000, but now also your bank owes you £1000. With money in a bank account, all you really have is an IOU from the bank for the sum involved. Effectively, you are each holding IOUs issued by the other.
If you decide to use your £1000 to pay off your debt, you are effectively just returning the two IOUs to their issuers. You would no longer have a debt, but the £1000 owed to you by the bank and which, hitherto, formed part of the UK's £2,200 billion money supply would cease to exist, because the bank would no longer owe it to you.
So if the Government pays off £110 billion of its £900 billion debt, it will reduce the UK money supply by £110 billion, out of an effective stock held by the productive economy of £1,200 billion, but that is not all.
The £3000 billion or so collectively owed by households, corporations and the Government (and owed mostly to the banks) has to be serviced. That is to say, interest must be paid and a slice of the principal should also be paid off each year. Assume an interest rate of 5% and £150 billion of interest has to be paid each year. Assume an average lifetime of the above debts of !5 years, and £200 billion of principal has to be found each year.
In both cases, the payment of interest and of principal, the withdrawal of these sums from bank accounts to pay the banks will result in a further reduction in the money supply, unless compensating new sums are borrowed into existence.
In a nutshell, about £350 billion of new borrowing is needed each year to pay off old loans whilst keeping enough money in existence to enable the economy to function, and this figure needs to grow exponentially year on year as the debt rises inexorably. Whilst for the economy to grow, the growth of the money supply will have to be even greater.

What scope for private borrowing?

If the Government is not going to borrow this money into existence, then it will be up to the private sector. Over the past two years, private sector borrowing has flat-lined, declining slightly if anything, borrowing barely enough to cover the repayment of past principal. Only the massive Government borrowing of the past two years has kept enough new money coming into the economy to prevent a worse recession than we have so far experienced.
For much of this period (19 months to date), base lending rates have been at the record low rate at 0.5%. They can hardly go any lower, yet private sector borrowing shows no signs of increasing. There is a reason for this. Of those able and willing to borrow, most are already borrowed up to the hilt. Few people and few businesses are in a position to borrow the hundreds of billions of pounds that are needed simply to prevent a deeper recession, never mind grow the economy.
The Government might think that it is driving down a slip road onto the motorway, but the sad reality is that it has driven ever more deeply into the cul-de-sac that was waiting for us all.

The Financial Services (Regulation of Deposits and Lending) Bill

Riding to the rescue, to save us all from the impasse in which we find ourselves, come a couple of back-bench Conservative MPs, Douglas Carswell and Steve Baker with their above named bill.
The Bill proposes ending the privilege currently held by the retail banks whereby they may create credit based solely on their borrowers' debts. In the future, bank lending will be limited to the amount deposited with them by their savers (as many people wrongly suppose to be the case at the moment).
Read the full text of the bill here
This will prevent the further expansion of the money supply over and above the amount created by the Bank of England. It will therefore permit the Bank of England to move towards increasing the amount of positive, debt-free money within the economy without fear of inflation.
As the Bank of England is a government agency, this money will be available for the Government to pay off its debts without the need for public spending cuts, tax increases, reducing the nation's money supply or for more households or businesses to go ever more deeply into debt.
Despite it being a private member's bill, this piece of legislation could prove to be the most important ever passed during anyone's lifetime. We need to give it as much support and publicity as possible.
You can contact your MP and ask him or her to support this bill by writing to them at 'House of Commons, London, SW1A 0AA' or by emailing them or telephoning them. For contact details see www.theyworkforyou.com
An Extract from HANSARD
15 Sep 2010 : Column 903
Financial Services (Regulation of Deposits and Lending)
Motion for leave to bring in a Bill (Standing Order No. 23 )
1.33 pm
Mr Douglas Carswell (Clacton) (Con): I beg to move,
That leave be given to bring in a Bill to prohibit banks and building societies lending on the basis of demand deposits without the permission of the account holder; and for connected purposes.
Who owns the money in your bank account? That small question has profound implications. According to a survey by Ipsos MORI, more than 70% of people in the UK believe that when they deposit money with the bank, it is theirs-but it is not. Money deposited in a bank account is, as established under case law going back more than 200 years, legally the property of the bank, rather than the account holder. Were any hon. Members to deposit £100 at their bank this afternoon or, rather improbably, if the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority was to manage to do so on any Member's behalf, the bank would then be free to lend on approximately £97 of it. Even under the new capital ratio requirements, the bank could lend on more than 90% of what one deposited. Indeed, bank A could then lend on £97 of the initial £100 deposit to another bank-bank B-which could then lend on 97% of the value. The lending would go round and round until, as we saw at the height of the credit boom, for every £1 deposited banks would have piled up more than £40-worth of accumulated credit of one form or another.
Banks enjoy a form of legal privilege extended to no other area of business that I am aware of-it is a form of legal privilege. I am sure that some hon. Members, in full compliance with IPSA rules, may have rented a flat, and they do not need me, or indeed IPSA, to explain that having done so they are, in general, not allowed to sub-let it to someone else. Anyone who tried to do that would find that their landlord would most likely eject them. So why are banks allowed to sub-let people's money many times over without their consent?
My Bill would give account holders legal ownership of their deposits, unless they indicated otherwise when opening the account. In other words, there would henceforth be two categories of bank account: deposit-taking accounts for investment purposes, and deposit-taking accounts for storage purposes. Banks would remain at liberty to lend on money deposited in the investment accounts, but not on money deposited in the storage accounts. As such, the idea is not a million miles away from the idea of 100% gilt-backed storage accounts proposed by other hon. Members and the Governor of the Bank of England.
My Bill is not just a consumer-protection measure; it also aims to remove a curious legal exemption for banks that has profound implications on the whole economy. Precisely because they are able to treat one's deposit as an investment in a giant credit pyramid, banks are able to conjure up credit. In most industries, when demand rises businesses produce more in response. The legal privilege extended to banks prevents that basic market mechanism from working, with disastrous consequences.
As I shall explain, if the market mechanism worked as it should, once demand for credit started to increase in an economy, banks would raise the price of credit-interest rates-in order to encourage more savings. More folk would save as a result, as rates rose. That would allow banks to extend credit in proportion to savings. Were banks like any other business, they would find that when demand for what they supply lets rip, they would be constrained in their ability to supply credit by the pricing mechanism. That is, alas, not the case with our system of fractional reserve banking. Able to treat people's money as their own, banks can carry on lending against it, without necessarily raising the price of credit. The pricing mechanism does not rein in the growth in credit as it should. Unrestrained by the pricing mechanism, we therefore get credit bubbles. To satisfy runaway demand for credit, banks produce great candy-floss piles of the stuff. The sugar rush feels great for a while, but that sugar-rush credit creates an expansion in capacity in the economy that is not backed by real savings. It is not justified in terms of someone else's deferred consumption, so the credit boom creates unsustainable over-consumption.
Policy makers, not least in this Chamber, regardless of who has been in office, have had to face the unenviable choice between letting the edifice of crony capitalism come crashing down, with calamitous consequences for the rest of us, or printing more real money to shore up this Ponzi scheme-and the people who built it-and in doing so devalue our currency to keep the pyramid afloat.
Since the credit crunch hit us, an endless succession of economists, most of whom did not see it coming, have popped up on our TV screens to explain its causes with great authority. Most have tended to see the lack of credit as the problem, rather than as a symptom. Perhaps we should instead begin to listen to those economists who saw the credit glut that preceded the crash as the problem. The Cobden Centre, the Ludwig von Mises Institute and Huerta de Soto all grasped that the overproduction of bogus candy-floss credit before the crunch gave rise to it. It is time to take seriously their ideas on honest money and sound banking.
The Keynesian-monetarist economists might recoil in horror at the idea, because their orthodoxy holds that without these legal privileges for banks, there would be insufficient credit. They say that the oil that keeps the engine of capitalism working would dry up and the machine would grind to a halt, but that is not so. Under my Bill, credit would still exist but it would be credit backed by savings. In other words, it would be credit that could fuel an expansion in economic capacity that was commensurate with savings or deferred consumption. It would be, to use the cliché of our day, sustainable.
Ministers have spoken of their lofty ambition to rebalance the economy from one based on consumption to one founded on producing things. A good place to begin might be to allow a law that permits storage bank accounts that do not permit banks to mass-produce phoney credit in a way that ultimately favours consumers and debtors over those who create wealth. With honest money, instead of being the nation of indebted consumers that we have become, Britons might become again the producers and savers we once were.
With a choice between the new storage accounts and investment accounts, no longer would private individuals find themselves co-opted as unwilling-and indeed unaware-investors in madcap deals through credit instruments that few even of the banks' own boards seem to understand.
Question put and agreed to.
Ordered,
That Mr Douglas Carswell and Steve Baker present the Bill.
Mr Douglas Carswell accordingly presented the Bill.
Bill read the First time; to be read a Second time on Friday 19 November and to be printed (Bill 71).

The Proposed Bank of England Act

This is a reform that could prevent a future financial crisis, clear the national debt, and restart the economy.
It cures the sickness in our economy and financial system by tackling the root cause of the problem, rather than just the symptoms.
It would make the 'inevitable' cuts in public services completely unnecessary, reduce the tax burden by up to 30% and allow us to clear the national debt. It takes control over the UK's money supply out of the hands of the commercial banking sector and restores it to the state, where it can be used to benefit the economy, rather than providing a £200 billion annual subsidy to the banking sector.
For more information see http://www.bankofenglandact.co.uk


Ref http://www.moneyreformparty.org.uk/money/index.php

Critique of Montagne Mathematically Perfected Economy


           The following is from the following website

            http://www.axiomaticeconomics.com/tableofcontents.php

           
            Also, the reference link  on which the following critique is presented here below.


            http://www.perfecteconomy.com/

   

            RS.




Abstract
I identify and evaluate the four premises underlying Mike Montagne's Mathematically Perfected Economy™:
  1. People trade things that are of equal value. If they trade things that are not equal in value, then one of them is being cheated
  2. Borrowers are trading more money in the future for less money now. It follows from premise #1 that they are being cheated.
  3. Any monetary system subject to interest ultimately terminates itself under insoluble debt. It follows from premise #2 that, because the charging of interest is not currently prohibited, the world economy is destined to collapse.
  4. There is class conflict between laborers and usurers as they battle over the unearned gain (surplus value) that is the proletariats' due. By an argument similar to dialectical materialism, as the world economy collapses (see premise #3), the implementation of Mathematically Perfected Economy™ is inevitable.
Mr. Montagne denies that he is a socialist though I view his theory as being akin to Marxism and find fault with all four of his premises.



I have been asked to review Mike Montagne’s website (he is unpublished), PEOPLE for Mathematically Perfected Economy™.  Having famously stated that “critiques and rebuttals are how science advances,” I did not feel that it was appropriate to just ignore Montagne.  Anyway, I was asked, and I try to respond to my reader’s questions whenever I can.
From what I could find on the internet, the only people to previously engage Montagne in debate were the Austrians, who pounced on the word "mathematical" in the title of his theory and denounced him as a mathematician, which they despise. I can commiserate"the "math cannot predict human action" line has been directed at Axiomatic Economics as well.

Montagne quotes a Ron Paul supporter:
One thing I find as the inevitable pitfall to MPE is that math cannot predict human action…  [Montagne’s] assumption that there exists a perfect mathematical model for running an economic system containing inherently flawed organisms, presumes the feasibility of a symmetrical model for economic development that contradicts the asymmetrical reality of human nature. 
And Montagne is not cherry-picking these quotations either. This is typical of what I found on the Mises Institute Forum when I plugged "Montagne" into their search engine. "What one would expect from mathematical 'economists,'" writes Jon Irenicus, a well-known Misesian who does not see any difference between Montagne, Debreu or this author"apparently, once an Austrian has seen one mathematician, he has seen them all.

Clearly, Montagne met with little effective resistance from the Austrians. Frankly, I saw no evidence that they had actually read Montagne's website. If they had, they would have found that there is no math there, unless one counts some graphs purporting to show a "probability and timeline for world-wide economic collapse as a consequence of interest." Of course, all mathematics is axiomatic, so our task is to determine whether Montagne's premises are sound, not to just blithely accept his premises and then confine our investigation into whether his graph does indeed go to zero, which would indicate an economic collapse.

Theone, of the Market Ticker Forum, who is not known for mincing his words, also believes that we must look at the assumptions that people make. 
With [Montagne’s] assumptions you can make the numbers do whatever the hell you want them to do and monkeys “might” fly outta my ass.  As far as I can tell there is absolutely nothingin those equations that prognosticate “systemic failure.”  [Montagne] is simply pulling his comment about systemic failure right out of his ass at the point at which the maximum amount of money has been “created” from a finite reserve amount.
Montagne has sent me an e-mail claiming that I do not know what a proof or a disproof is and demanding that I accept his assumptions and confirm or deny that they prognosticate systemic failure.  But, since Theone has already demonstrated that Montagne’s assumptions are insufficient, what remains to be shown is whether they are sound and thus can be redeemed by additional assumptions or unsound and thus irredeemable.  My task, therefore, is to determine whether Montagne’s premises are acceptable, not to inquire what they prove alone or what they might prove if additional and more restrictive assumptions were made.
But before we consider Montagne’s premises, I want to point out that drawing a timeline to world-wide economic collapse and calling oneself “mathematically perfected” is very similar to Marx predicting the inevitable collapse of capitalism and calling himself “scientific.” 
Joshua Muravchik (2004, p. 60) has written about the “spectacular inversion” of what is meant by the term “scientific socialism:”
What is science but the practice of experimentation, of hypothesis and test?  Owen and Fourier and their [utopian] followers were the real “scientific socialists.”  They hit upon the idea of socialism, and they tested it by attempting to form socialist communities.  In all, there were scores of these tests in America and England – and all of them failed, utterly and disastrously.
Then Marx came along and said never mind these experiments at bringing about socialism by human devices, it will be brought about by the impersonal force of history.  In other words, under the banner of “science,” Marx shifted the basis for socialism from human ingenuity to sheer prophesy.
So, let us not allow talk of mathematical perfection to beguile us into a study of sheer prophesy, but let us consider the axioms on which these prophesies are grounded. I ask no less of my own critics. That is why my three axioms are printed at the top of the homepage of my website and I have a non-mathematical explanation of the axioms. It certainly wouldn't do to have people saying, "if he's claiming axioms, then he ought to have listed them," so I made sure that my axioms were clearly posted when I started my website in 2005.

Montagne’s theory is based on four premises:
  1. People trade things that are of equal value.  If they trade things that are not equal in value, then one of them is being cheated. Montagne writes:
  2. Free, unimpeded barter allowed people to produce to natural capacities, and to obtain for our own production whatever we deemed to be equal, undiminished measures of the production of others…  Because no one takes from the trade anything but the equal of what they contribute to it, each party receives the full, self-determined equivalent of their contribution to the overall pool of their wealth.
  3. Borrowers are trading more money in the future for less money now.  It follows from premise #1 that they are being cheated.  Montagne writes:
  4. [If] we were confronted by a small man and 5 body guards… and the small man shouted down to us his law that “he” had taken control of the [market] grounds, all consummated trades required each party to give up 3 items for each 10…  This would be the end of our trade without cost, on the ground, at the value, and for the reward of our common choosing.  But usury is a greater abomination, because while it may not so much require armies as deception, disinformation, ignorance, fear and division, it inherently and inevitably takes more than any knowledgeable public would ever assent to, and by necessity must erase the very possibility of representation.
  5. Any monetary system subject to interest ultimately terminates itself under insoluble debt.  It follows from premise #2 that, because the charging of interest is not currently prohibited, the world economy is destined to collapse.   Montagne writes:
  6. Any purported economy subject to interest ultimately terminates itself under insoluble debt, because to maintain a vital circulation, we must perpetually re-borrow periodic principal and interest payments as subsequent debts, increased so much as periodic interest.  Re-borrowed principal equals and thus retains the former debt its payment would otherwise resolve.  Thus the sum of debt increases so much as periodic interest, which is re-borrowed as new debt, above the retained sum of debt… the probability for world-wide collapse as a consequence of interest is therefore 100 percent.  Certain.
  7. There is class conflict between laborers and usurers as they battle over the unearned gain (surplus value) that is the proletariats’ due.  By an argument similar to dialectical materialism, as the world economy collapses (see premise #3), the implementation of Mathematically Perfected Economy™ is inevitable.  Montagne writes:
  8. We have in effect two conflicting philosophies.  One wants earnings for its work equivalent to its work.  The other wants unearned gain which can only be taken at the cost of earning equivalent to real work... We mature beyond the era of unearned gain…  Like cannibalism, unearned monetary gain and all the manipulation which goes with it will one day disappear from history forever after.
The conclusion, of course, is that loaning money at interest should be banned.  Montagne explains, “Mathematically Perfected Economy™ thus is to loan interest-free currency into circulation…  A virtually cost free capacity to sustain unlimited prosperity without the artificially imposed irregularities of inflation.”
And what will our economy be like after the Revolution?  Montagne boasts:
For example, a $100,000 home with a 100 year lifespan would be paid for at the overall rate of $1000 per year or $83.33 per month; and the earning this alone would immediately free should we implement mathematically perfected economy™ immediately, reflect the degree to which we would prosper further, without any other improvement whatever.
That sounds like a fine plan if you are in the market to buy a house!  Of course, rent control also sounded like a fine plan – until it was actually implemented.  Then, for some reason, no new apartment buildings were constructed and the existing ones fell to slums.  Who could have anticipated such a thing?  (I mean who besides Milton Friedman and just about every other economist with a working brain?)
At first, when a Castro or a Chávez is seizing houses from the bourgeois and distributing them to the proletariat for a nominal $83 per month, socialism seems like a fine plan – maybe even a mathematically perfected plan.  It is only later, when the people are crowding into old houses with leaky roofs that were built before the Revolution, do they start to wonder if it was such a fine plan after all.  Of course, by then it is too late to revolt – they are too tired to fight and they have long since hocked their rifles to buy bread.  If only they had known more about economic theory, they might have seen through Great Leader’s siren song of mathematical perfection!
The basic flaw in the logic of modern socialists (Montagne, Cook, Zarlenga, etc.) is confusion between motivation and capability.  “He’s privately controlled!” the socialist sneers at the Federal Reserve chairman, the unspoken assumption being that, were the socialist put in charge, he would immediately open the floodgates of wealth and prosperity for us all.  It would be a veritable socialistic paradise, if only the Benevolent One were given the authority to print money!  But, the fact is, the Fed is in a box.  If a socialist were put in charge, he would be in the same box.  Basically, if a central bank prints too much money, they debase the currency.  Small countries like Zimbabwe are in a much tighter box than big countries like the United States, but a box it is. 
Montagne’s claim (sometimes called the Debt Virus Theory), that spending paper money directly into the economy, rather than buying Treasury Bills as the Fed does, is not inflationary can only be sustained with a gross re-definition of the word “inflation.”  But re-defining words like “inflation” does not revoke the laws of economics.  If you are taking a curve too fast in your car, you cannot avert a crash simply by re-defining “road” to include what used to be known as “median.”
Arguing with socialists is a bit like Alice's meeting with Humpty Dumpty – common words like "inflation" just seem to mean whatever the socialist chooses them to mean.  So, rather than following Montagne down that linguistic rabbit hole, I will simply point out that his plan has already been tried, albeit without the hubris of calling itself mathematically perfected.  During the Revolutionary War, the Continental Congress spent paper money directly into the economy and we all know what happened to them.  They won the war but the expression “not worth a Continental” still resonates with us today.  Ten years later, their government went the way of the Weimar Republic.  Fortunately, unlike the Weimar Republic, which was replaced by the Nazis, the Continental Congress was replaced by the United States of America, which turned out to be a pretty good government.  So, hyperinflation does not always lead to tyranny, though that is something to beware of whenever one contemplates debasing the currency.
Today, in every city, there is a small contingent of people making pests of themselves at city council meetings by insisting that payday and title loan companies should be banned as usurious. In their public pronouncements, they do not use the word "socialism," though it is organizations like Socialist Alternative who are sponsoring them. Montagne's arguments are similar, though he goes much farther when he insists that loaning money at any interest rate, not just a high one, is usury. He bases this conclusion on religious, not economic, arguments.
“Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (in chronological order), all derive from the Old Testament, in which a scattering of commandments forbid the practice of usury.  Islam, in its further works is perhaps the most strictly compulsive in its observance of these commandments,” writes Montagne.  He goes on to quote Webster’s Dictionary, which gives archaic, formal and modern definitions of the word “usury” as 1) interest, 2) the lending of money with an interest charge for its use; and 3) an unconscionable or exorbitant amount of interest.  Montagne takes this as evidence that the “money masters” have conspired to change the language in order to allow loaning money at low rates, where it had previously been prohibited altogether.
Invoking religious edicts is clearly a conversation stopper.  Of course, it is a free country and, if one’s religion prohibits borrowing or lending money at interest, nobody is going to make one do so.  However, America is not a theocracy.  If one wants to impose this rule on everybody, then one must present an economic, not a religious, rationale for it.  Thus, except for a couple of quick comments about Montagne’s religious beliefs, I will discuss only the four premises listed above and ignore any references that Montagne makes to religious edicts.
Somewhat incongruously, every page of Montagne’s website begins with a portrait of George Washington, though he was not an economist and, as far as I know, had nothing to say on the subject of loaning money at interest.  However, he did live during the time of Adam Smith, when it was widely believed that people trade things that are of equal value.  This belief was one of the first misconceptions to fall before the rise of modern economic theory.  (In Smith’s day, there was no economic theory per se; there was just the study of political economy – the budgeting of government expenses.)
If I buy a candy bar for 89¢, I do so because candy bars are not equal in value to 89¢; they are greater in value, at least to me.  Obviously, the candy store owner has just the opposite view – he’d rather have the 89¢.  Why does the candy store owner have such a different valuation of the candy bar?  Is he just a stupid person who doesn’t know how good they taste?  No.  It’s because he has a lot of them – whole shelves full.  I, on the other hand, have none – and I’m hungry.  So we both come away from the trade with something of greater value than what we brought to it. 
Montagne’s first premise is wrong.  Neither now nor in the days of barter was it true that “no one takes from the trade anything but the equal of what they contribute to it.”  In fact, they always take something of greater value.  It is not because of a vague “propensity to truck and barter” (Adam Smith) that people enter into trades, but because they specifically intend to come away from the trade with something of greater value than what they brought to it. 
Ever since Smith’s 500-page tome (The Wealth of Nations, 1776) got itself attached to America’s Bicentennial celebration, popular bookstores have stocked multiple editions of it to the exclusion of all other economic treatises.  Apparently people buy them to decorate their offices, since almost nobody has read past the pin factory story.  Smith’s reputation has outlived his contributions while Menger dashes popular misconceptions that are as prevalent today as they were a century ago.
In fact, the primary contribution of Carl Menger’s 1871 book, Principles of Economics, is the theory of marginal utility, which is exactly what Montagne needs to learn.  The idea that people come away from trades with something of greater value than what they brought to them and that their valuation of things depends on how many of those items they already own is the foundation of all modern schools of economics.  It is for the invention of marginal utility (by Menger and, independently, by Jevons) that 1871 is considered the year economics became a science, comparable to when chemistry detached itself from alchemy.  Frankly, it is amazing to find someone now, in the twenty-first century, blithely championing ideas from a hundred years before economics even began.

Montagne’s second premise is no better.  He does not seem to understand the concept of time preference.  People value the same item more if they receive it sooner rather than later.  How much more determines the rate of interest that they are willing to pay and is the inverse of the mean of the Distribution of Wealth over the Capital Structure, DWCS, as I proved in my Critique of Austrian Economics.  In my Rejoinder to Mr. Murphy, I write,
To get an intuitive feel for what the mean of the DWCS represents, ask yourself, “How much of my wealth is in my house, which is intended to provide shelter for twenty years, how much is in my car, which is intended to provide transportation for five years, and how much is in peaches or fashionable clothes for my girlfriend, which will be valuable for about a week before becoming overripe or going out of style?
For wealthy people, the mean of their personal DWCS is around twenty years, that is, most of their wealth is in long-term projects.  Their interest rate is about 5%, slightly less than what they get on certificates of deposit.  For middle-class people, the mean of their DWCS is around five years, that is, most of their wealth is in their car.  Their interest rate is about 20%, slightly more than what they pay on their credit cards.  For people living in hardscrabble conditions, their horizon does not extend beyond a month and their yearly interest rate is about 1500%.  This is slightly more than what they pay at the pawn shop when hocking their possessions.
So, in answer to Mr. Montagne, when one person loans money to another at interest, it does not imply that the latter is being cheated; only that two people have different time preferences.  They made a trade based on that difference in the same way that the candy store owner and I were able to make a trade because we had different valuations of a candy bar.  The only thing new about this theory is that they are trading present goods for future goods, whereas the 89¢ and the candy bar that I traded it for both existed in the present.
The people who would ban payday and title loan companies have their hearts in the right place, as they are sympathetic towards the poor.  But such do-gooders do not understand that putting a high value on present over future goods is a symptom of poverty, not the cause of it.  Poor people aren’t stupid; when they hock their property or take out a loan against an upcoming paycheck, they know that they are paying a high rate of interest.  They don’t need Johnny Economist to tell them that.  They borrow at that rate because the alternatives are worse.
For instance, if a workingman’s vehicle has been impounded, the towing company is charging $25 per day and it will seize the vehicle in a month.  But right now he can get that car back for the $100 towing charge.  An interest rate of 1500% per year may seem exorbitant, but he doesn’t need the loan for a year – just for one week until payday.  It is actually much more economical to visit the payday loan company than to leave the vehicle at the impound lot.  Also, without a car, he could very well get fired for tardiness.  And keeping his job means everything to him.
The people who would ban payday and title loan companies just don’t understand what the poor are up against.  And Montagne is far more extreme than they are, as he would ban the loaning of money at any interest rate.  Montagne claims to have the best interests of the poor in mind, but these are the very people who would be hurt the most by his proposals.
In regards to Montagne’s third premise, even if there were people systematically cheating the rest of us, that would not make an economic collapse “inevitable.”  After all, their income is a part of national income statistics in the same way that Montagne’s and mine are.  Economists count everybody’s income when they compile those statistics, not just the incomes of the people that they like. 
Böhm-Bawerk denounces “the tendency among English economists – often and quite justifiably censored – to regard workers as producing machines; that view made their wages a component part of production costs, and counted them as a deduction from national wealth instead of a part thereof” (1959, v. 2 pp. 72-73).  Montagne is making exactly the opposite mistake:  He is counting only the proletariat’s wages toward national income, while excluding the income of those wicked money lenders who prey on them.
During the Middle Ages, the nobility had everybody over a barrel in the same way that Montagne imagines that modern money lenders have us over a barrel, but feudalism did not collapse in the way that Montagne envisions and, when it did, it was due more to luck than inevitability.  Feudalism lasted for hundreds of years and it could have gone on indefinitely if gold had not been discovered in the New World.  The resulting inflation made share cropping contracts worth less to landowners.  There were tradesmen in town making several times more than noblemen in the countryside were getting from their share of the corn grown on their property.  Also, the Industrial Revolution just made corn less important to society as a whole – during the Middle Ages it had been the only thing of value.  But none of this has anything to do with the “mathematically perfected” timeline for worldwide economic collapse that Montagne has calculated.
Edward Flaherty has already addressed the idea that any monetary system subject to interest ultimately terminates itself under insoluble debt in his rebuttal of Jaikaran’s book, The Debt Virus:
Jaikaran's main warning is that if we wished to repay all the debt, we would be unable to do so because of the shortage of money.  But why would we wish to retire all the outstanding debt in the economy?  Loans and bonds have a variety of maturities and only the most remarkable synchronicity would have them all, or any appreciable portion of them, come due at once. 
The same dollars get used over and over again. If you made a note of the serial numbers on the bills you use to pay your mortgage, you would find that you are using the exact same bills the following month and the month after that. This is because the banker has spent the money and it circulated around the community until you earned it back.

Only if everybody everywhere had to pay off all their debts simultaneously would they have trouble coming up with the currency to do that. But that never happens because their loan agreements specify monthly payments. Your banker cannot just call you up and demand the entire remaining balance on your loan tomorrow. That would be illegal.

Remarkably, the Austrians conceded to Montagne his third premise. He quotes a Ron Paul supporter: “While an interest based monetary system eventually breaks down because of greed, corruption and the intractable problem of insoluble debt, there is no reasonable alternative.”
Leaderless youth!  Paul has given these kids no guidance, only bumper sticker slogans.  They let Montagne’s labor theory of value go unchallenged, conceded to him the kernel of his theory, the “intractable problem of insoluble debt,” and then beat on him with a sponge. “Math cannot predict human action!!!
Finally, in regards to Montagne’s fourth premise, this is basically dialectical materialism, which should be familiar to any critic of Marx.  Montagne has sent me an e-mail claiming that he is not a socialist, in spite of quotations like this, “We have in effect two conflicting philosophies.  One wants earnings for its work equivalent to its work.  The other wants unearned gain which can only be taken at the cost of earning equivalent to real work,” which sounds like it came directly out of Das Capital.  Notice Montagne’s reliance on the labor theory of value and his talk of class struggle and unearned gain (surplus value), all of which are hallmarks of Marxist writing.
The easy answer is that, just as society is no longer partitioned into workers and capitalists but has many prosperous self-employed tradesmen and many salarymen who own stocks, neither is it partitioned into debtors and creditors.  We no longer have company towns where the residents have made serfs of themselves by borrowing more from the company store than they can ever repay.  Today, most people are simultaneously both creditors and debtors.
To judge whether or not Montagne is a socialist, let us consider his vision for the future:
For example, a $100,000 home with a 100 year lifespan would be paid for at the overall rate of $1000 per year or $83.33 per month; and the earning this alone would immediately free should we implement mathematically perfected economy™ immediately, reflect the degree to which we would prosper further, without any other improvement whatever.
But we do not buy houses from the government, we buy them from private developers, and they expect to get paid for those houses.  Developers hire contractors (carpenters, plumbers, electricians, etc.) and they demand cash on the barrel head.  Unless forced to do so, no developer in his right mind is going to spend his private funds to hire contractors in the here-and-now if the only expected return is Montagne’s promise of $83 a month for the next hundred years.  And if Montagne intends to use force, then he is a socialist.  That is what the word “socialism” means:  Forcing people to provide things like houses so that the government can distribute them to who they choose at a price that they set.
I stand by my assessment of Montagne.  Mathematically Perfected Economy™ is straight-out socialism in the guise of a pseudo-religious attack on money lenders. 
In conclusion, to Montagne, Cook, Zarlenga and anyone else who claims that they can open the floodgates of prosperity by spending paper money directly into the economy, I say:  “The Debt Virus Theory is not worth a Continental!”
I think that settles it.  However, I do have two questions for Mr. Montagne:  1) Why did you choose to illustrate every page of a website about economic theory with a photo of yourself in the woods posing with an elk you just shot?  2) If you were on a solo bow hunt seven miles into the wilderness, how did you ever pack that big animal out of there?  Seven miles is a long ways to venture from your pickup truck.  (I can’t resist posting a joke here.)  Incidentally, when taking a self-portrait, it’s a good idea to look into the sun so that your face isn’t in shadow – just a hint.


NOTE
Some Debt-Virus proponents have responded to this paper by quoting the Wikipedia article on Early American Currency as a rebuttal to my claim that the Continental collapsed because it was spent directly into the economy on soldiers' wages without obtaining any assets that could be sold if it became necessary to withdraw Continentals from circulation. I respond:
  1. Wikipedia writes, “a primary problem was that monetary policy was not coordinated between Congress and the states, which continued to issue bills of credit.” But this does not make sense. If Continentals were sound, then why would the Continental Congress have to coordinate with unsound state-issued curencies? Does the U.S. Treasury coordinate with Zimbabwe?
  2. Wikipedia writes, “another problem was that the British successfully waged economic warfare by counterfeiting Continentals on a large scale,” and quotes Benjamin Franklin:
  3. The artists they employed performed so well that immense quantities of these counterfeits which issued from the British government in New York, were circulated among the inhabitants of all the states, before the fraud was detected. This operated significantly in depreciating the whole mass....
    I do not believe that this is true. The English did not foist counterfeit Continentals on us any more than (as G. W. Bush would have had us believe) the North Koreans foist counterfeit dollars on us. Franklin was just trying to deflect the blame from himself. Printing was done with hand-carved wood blocks. The printer does not have to be a good artist. His “bald eagle” can look like a penguin and it does not matter because all that is required of him is that he create a unique, easily recognizable image. But the counterfeiter must look at a sample bill and then carve a wood block with left and right reversed that exactly replicates every stroke and cut on the original. Then there is the problem of every bill being hand-signed in ink with a quill pen. Then, granting the English these fantastic artistic skills, what good does a warehouse full of fake Continentals do? Englishmen in America were being shot on sight, so who is going to volunteer to distribute the bills? What would they buy with them? American soldiers mostly saved their Continentals because the wartime economy was at a standstill. It was only after the war when they attempted to buy livestock and building materials to improve their farms that they learned that Continentals were worthless and that the sellers were all demanding Spanish or other foreign currency.
  4. The Debt-Virus theorists are arguing against themselves. Suppose that a time traveler has delivered both a color copier and a helicopter to King George so that he can replicate Continentals and distribute them to the unsuspecting Americans. Since the fake Continentals are “debt free” in the Debt-Virus lexicon, that is, they were spent directly into the economy rather than being loaned out, then, using the Debt-Virus theorists' own twisted logic, their distribution should not be inflationary. But the whole point of conjuring up these imaginary counterfeiters is to explain away the hyperinflation that everybody knows existed. If re-defining “inflation” to refer only to money that enters circulation through loans is all that it takes to justify their own printing operation, then consistency requires that this word play should also justify other people's printing operations. If the Debt-Virus promoters really believed their own theory, then they would not restrict the printing of debt-free currency to the U.S. Treasury but would let anybody with a color printer get in on the fun. As long as their funny money is debt-free, it is not inflationary. Right?



REFERENCES
Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen von. [1921] 1959. Capital and Interest. 3 vols. George D. Huncke and Hans F. Sennholz, trans. South Holland, IL: Libertarian Press
Marx, Karl. [1867] 1976. Capital. vol. 1. New York, NY: Penguin
Menger, Carl. [1871] 1981. Principles of Economics. Dingwall and Hoselitz trans. New York, NY: New York University Press
Muravchik, Joshua. 2004. "The Rise and Fall of Socialism." in Economic Theories and Controversies. Hillsdale, MI: Hillsdale College Press
Smith, Adam. [1776] 1976. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press

Tuesday, 2 April 2013

Basic Income will solve unemployment

Make Poverty History poster - Basic Income
Credit: Photo by Russell Higgs



syzygysue writes over at Think Left that the UK needs eight million new jobs to provide full employment. I believe this is true, but I also believe that it cannot and will not happen. There will be less and less jobs per head of population as manufacturing and logistics become more and more automated. Even in China it is proving cheaper to put thousands of robots in factories than to employ people with all of their foibles and demands, such as being paid a fair wage.
Working conditions in Amazon’s warehouses are abysmal, driving people past their breaking point and Tesco isn’t a whole lot better. People take these jobs because they are desperate to work but they shouldn’t have to accept such conditions. Humans are being used as mere cogs in a vast and uncaring machine and frankly, cogs do a better job of being cogs than humans do. We should accept automation wherever possible even as it puts people out of work.
But if people are put out of work by machines, how will they survive? To quote union leader Walter Reuther when Henry Ford asked how he would get robots to pay union fees, “How will you get them [robots] to buy your cars?”
The answer is that everyone put out of work by machines must receive an income from the general pool of wealth. A share in the profits of the machines as it were. In fact I will go further and suggest that everyone, regardless of other means, should receive this income. It goes by the name of Basic Income, Citizen’s Income, Minimum Income, Mincome, Guaranteed Income and probably some others. It is a salary paid by the government to every citizen, regardless of means, without asking anything of them in return. They are not required to look for work, or to volunteer for a charity, or to do community service, or anything else. It must be unconditional.
A little-known experiment took place in Canada in the seventies and put the principles of basic income to the test. It wasn’t quite the same thing – it was effectively a tax credit which was means tested and paid to those without any other income however it placed no requirements on the recipient and so it is a reasonable comparison to basic income. The trial was known as Mincome and it topped up the income of everyone in the town to at least the minimum level. The experiment was wildly successful in reducing poverty and bringing health benefits such as an 8.5% reduction in hospital visits. The trial was abandoned when a change of government brought new priorities but one of the people involved recently did a radio interview about it and it is worth a listen.
A Town Without Poverty (Note, video is black to start with.)

So how would basic income be paid for? It would replace the tax allowance for a start. If everyone received a few thousand pounds a year then they wouldn’t need tax relief on the first ten thousand pounds a year of their income. It would replace pensions, which are a vast chunk of the welfare budget. It would replace nearly all benefits, in one stroke removing means testing, the work capability assessment, and the stress and stigma of the current system. The rate of taxes would be adjusted to make up any remaining shortfall.
But wouldn’t people stop work if they didn’t have to earn a living? No, actually. Few people want to live on an income that allows for no luxuries or extras. People aspire to get more, and they are prepared to work for that. What is likely to happen is a rise in jobshares and part time work to top up the basic income, thus solving the problem of there not being any jobs for people who are unemployed at the moment. Actually, some people would stop paid employment but on the whole it is people should stop because they have other roles outside of the workplace that are just as valuable. Carers, parents, those in education, those who volunteer to help others. All are valuable roles that are losing out because people are required to work so much to get by. Writers, artists, entrepreneurs and more could all go and focus on creating what they want to create and we all benefit from that.
I believe that basic income is inevitable. If it doesn’t happen then society will collapse completely under the weight of poverty as our production becomes automated and people are treated like machines. That is not good enough though, and I believe we should introduce Basic Income today so that we can be a caring and civilised society.

Further Reading
The Dominion: A Town Without Poverty?
A Latent Existence: Why does everyone have to work?
Think Left: The UK needs 8 million New Jobs
Mother Jones: I Was a Warehouse Wage Slave
Independent.ie: Tesco staff forced to wear arm monitors that track work rate
Ars Technica: Androids are going to take our jobs, and that’s great!
FT: Obama must face the rise of the robots (Free registration required.)
FT: Foxconn looks to a robotic future (Free registration required)
Basic income guarantee [Wikipedia]
Basic Income Earth Network
Citizen’s Income Trust
A Universal Basic Income
Global Basic Income Foundation

QE for the People: Grillo's Populist Plan for Italy


Comedian Beppe Grillo was surprised himself when his Five Star Movement got 8.7 million votes in the Italian general election of Feb. 24-25. His movement is now the biggest single party in the chamber of deputies, says The Guardian, which makes him "a kingmaker in a hung parliament."
Grillo's is the party of "no." In a candidacy based on satire, he organized an annual "V‑Day Celebration," the "V" standing for vaffanculo ("f--k off").  He rejects the status quo -- all the existing parties and their monopoly control of politics, jobs, and financing -- and seeks a referendum on all international treaties, including NATO membership, free trade agreements and the euro.
"If we get into parliament," says Grillo, "we would bring the old system down, not because we would enjoy doing so but because the system is rotten." Critics fear, and supporters hope, that if his party succeeds, it could break the euro system.
But being against everything, says Mike Whitney in Counterpunch, is not a platform:
"To govern, one needs ideas and a strategy for implementing those ideas. Grillo's team has neither. They are defined more in terms of the things they are against than things they are for. It's fine to want to 'throw the bums out,' but that won't put people back to work or boost growth or end the slump. Without a coherent plan to govern, M5S could end up in the political trash heap, along with their right-wing predecessors, the Tea Party."
Steven Colatrella, who lives in Italy and also has an article in Counterpunch on the Grillo phenomenon, has a different take on the surprise win. He says Grillo does have a platform of positive proposals. Besides rejecting all the existing parties and treaties, Grillo's program includes the following:
  • unilateral default on the public debt;

  • nationalization of the banks; and

  • a guaranteed "citizenship" income of 1000 euros a month.

It is a platform that could actually work. Austerity has been tested for a decade in the Eurozone and has failed, while the proposals in Grillo's plan have been tested in other countries and have succeeded.
Default: Lessons from Iceland and South America
Default on the public debt has been pulled off quite successfully in Iceland, Argentina, Ecuador, and Russia, among other countries. Whitney cites a clip from Grillo's blog suggesting that this is also the way out for Italy:
"The public debt has not been growing in recent years because of too much expenditure... Between 1980 and 2011, spending was lower than the tax revenue by 484 billion (thus we have been really virtuous) but the interest payments (on the debt of 2,141 billion) that we had to pay in that period have made us poor. In the last 20 years, GDP has been growing slowly, while the debt has exploded. ... [S]peculators... are contributing to price falls so as to bring about higher interest rates. It's the usurer's technique. Thus the debt becomes an opportunity to maximize earnings in the market at the expense of the nation... If financial powerbrokers use speculation to increase their earnings and force governments to pay the highest possible interest rates, the result is recession for the State that's in debt as well as their loss of sovereignty.
... There are alternatives. These are being put into effect by some countries in South America and by Iceland... The risk is that we are going to reach default in any case with the devaluation of the debt, and the Nation impoverished and on its knees." [Beppe Grillo blog]

Bank Nationalization:  China Shows What Can Be Done
Grillo's second proposal, nationalizing the banks, has also been tested and proven elsewhere, most notably in China. In an April 2012 article in The American Conservative titled "China's Rise, America's Fall," Ron Unz observes:
"During the three decades to 2010, China achieved perhaps the most rapid sustained rate of economic development in the history of the human species, with its real economy growing almost 40-fold between 1978 and 2010. In 1978, America's economy was 15 times larger, but according to most international estimates, China is now set to surpass America's total economic output within just another few years."
According to Eamonn Fingleton in In The Jaws of the Dragon (2009), the fountain that feeds this tide is a strong public banking sector:
"Capitalism's triumph in China has been proclaimed in countless books in recent years...  But... the higher reaches of its economy remain comprehensively controlled in a way that is the antithesis of everything we associate with Western capitalism.
The key to this control is the Chinese banking system... [which is] not only state-owned but, as in other East Asian miracle economies, functions overtly as a major tool of the central government's industrial policy."

Guaranteed Basic Income -- Not Just Welfare
Grillo's third proposal, a guaranteed basic income, is not just an off-the-wall, utopian idea either. A national dividend has been urged by the "Social Credit" school of monetary reform for nearly a century, and the U.S. Basic Income Guarantee Network has held a dozen annual conferences. They feel that a guaranteed basic income is the key to keeping modern, highly productive economies humming.
In Europe, the proposal is being pursued not just by Grillo's southern European party but by the sober Swiss of the north. An initiative to establish a new federal law for an unconditional basic income was formally introduced in Switzerland in April 2012. The idea consists of giving to all citizens a monthly income that is neither means-tested nor work-related. Under the Swiss referendum system of direct democracy, if the initiative gathers more than 100,000 signatures before October 2013, the Federal Assembly is required to look into it.
Colatrella does not say where Grillo plans to get the money for Italy's guaranteed basic income, but in Social Credit theory, it would simply be issued outright by the government; and Grillo, who has an accounting background, evidently agrees with that approach to funding. He said in a presentation available on YouTube:
"The Bank of Italy a private join-stock company, ownership comprises 10 insurance companies, 10 foundations, and 10 banks, that are all joint-stock companies... They issue the money out of thin air and lend it to us. It's the State who is supposed to issue it. We need money to work. The State should say: "There's scarcity of money? I'll issue some and put it into circulation. Money is plentiful? I'll withdraw and burn some of it." ... Money is needed to keep prices stable and to let us work."
The Key to a Thriving Economy
Major C.H. Douglas, the thought leader of the Social Credit movement, argued that the economy routinely produces more goods and services than consumers have the money to purchase, because workers collectively do not get paid enough to cover the cost of the things they make. This is true because of external costs such as interest paid to banks, and because some portion of the national income is stashed in savings accounts, investment accounts, and under mattresses rather than spent on the GDP.
To fill what Social Crediters call "the gap," so that "demand" rises to meet "supply," additional money needs to be gotten into the circulating money supply. Douglas recommended doing it with a national dividend for everyone, an entitlement by "grace" rather than "works," something that was necessary just to raise purchasing power enough to cover the products on the market.
In the 1930s and 1940s, critics of Social Credit called it "funny money" and said it would merely inflate the money supply. The critics prevailed, and the Social Credit solution has not had much chance to be tested. But the possibilities were demonstrated in New Zealand during the Great Depression, when a state housing project was funded with credit issued by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand, the nationalized central bank. According to New Zealand commentator Kerry Bolton, this one measure was sufficient to resolve 75 percent of unemployment in the midst of the Great Depression.
Bolton notes that this was achieved without causing inflation. When new money is used to create new goods and services, supply rises along with demand and prices remain stable; but the "demand" has to come first. No business owner will invest in more capacity or production without first seeing a demand. No demand, no new jobs and no economic expansion.
The Need to Restore Economic Sovereignty
The money for a guaranteed basic income could be created by a nationalized central bank in the same way that the Reserve Bank of New Zealand did it, and that central bank "quantitative easing" (QE) is created out of nothing on a computer screen today. The problem with today's QE is that it has not gotten money into the pockets of consumers. The money has gotten -- and can get -- no further than the reserve accounts of banks, as explained here and hereA dividend paid directly to consumers would be "quantitative easing" for the people.
A basic income guarantee paid for with central bank credit would not be "welfare" but would eliminate the need for welfare. It would be social security for all, replacing social security payments, unemployment insurance, and welfare taxes. It could also replace much of the consumer debt that is choking the private economy, growing exponentially at usurious compound interest rates.
As Grillo points out, it is not the cost of government but the cost of money itself that has bankrupted Italy. If the country wishes to free itself from the shackles of debt and restore the prosperity it once had, it will need to take back its monetary sovereignty and issue its own money, either directly or through its own nationalized central bank. If Grillo's party comes to power and follows through with his platform, those shackles on the Italian economy might actually be released.