Wednesday, 24 April 2013

No Logo

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No Logo
Front cover of No Logo
Author(s)Naomi Klein
PublisherKnopf Canada, Picador
Publication dateDecember 1999
Media typePrint (hardcover & paperback)
Pages490 (first edition)
ISBNISBN 0-312-20343-8
OCLC Number43271949
Followed byFences and Windows
No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies is a book by the Canadian author Naomi Klein. First published by Knopf Canada and Picador in December 1999,[1][2] shortly after the 1999 WTO Ministerial Conference protests in Seattle had generated media attention around such issues, it became one of the most influential books about the alter-globalization movement and an international bestseller.[3]


[edit] Focus

The book focuses on branding, and often makes connections with the alter-globalization movement. Throughout the four parts ("No Space", "No Choice", "No Jobs", and "No Logo"), Klein writes about issues such as sweatshops in the Americas and Asia, culture jamming, corporate censorship, and Reclaim the Streets. She pays special attention to the deeds and misdeeds of Nike, The Gap, McDonald's, Shell, and Microsoft – and of their lawyers, contractors, and advertising agencies. Many of the ideas in Klein's book derive from the influence of the Situationists[citation needed], an art/political group founded in the late 1950s.
However, while globalization appears frequently as a recurring theme, Klein rarely addresses the topic of globalization itself, and usually indirectly. (She would go on to discuss globalization in much greater detail in her 2002 book, Fences and Windows.)

[edit] Summary

The book comprises four sections: "No Space", "No Choice", "No Jobs", and "No Logo". The first three deal with the negative effects of brand-oriented corporate activity, while the fourth discusses various methods people have taken in order to fight back.

[edit] "No Space"

The book begins by tracing the history of brands. Klein argues that there has been a shift in the usage of branding. There is an actual clothing brand NOLOGO which has existed since the late 1980s and can be seen at This is an excellent example of this shift to an "anti-brand" brand. Early examples of brands were often used to put a recognizable face on factory-produced products. These slowly gave way to the idea of selling lifestyles. According to Klein, in response to an economic crash in the 1980s (Latin American debt crisis, Black Monday (1987), Savings and loan crisis Japanese asset price bubble), corporations began to seriously rethink their approach to marketing, and began to target the youth demographic, as opposed to the baby boomers, who had previously been considered a much more valuable segment.
The book discusses how brand names such as Nike or Pepsi expanded beyond the mere products which bore their names, and how these names and logos began to appear everywhere. As this happened, the brands' obsession with the youth market drove them to further associate themselves with whatever the youth considered "cool". Along the way, the brands attempted to have their names associated with everything from movie stars and athletes to grassroots social movements.
Klein argues that large multinational corporations consider the marketing of a brand name to be more important than the actual manufacture of products; this theme recurs in the book and Klein suggests that it helps explain the shift to production in Third World countries in such industries as clothing, footwear, and computer hardware.
This section also looks at ways in which brands have "muscled" their presence into the school system, and how in doing so, they have pipelined advertisements into the schools, and have used their position to gather information about the students. Klein argues that this is part of a trend toward targeting younger and younger consumers.

[edit] "No Choice"

In the second section, Klein discusses how brands use their size and clout to limit the number of choices available to the public – whether through market dominance (Wal-Mart) or through aggressive invasion of a region (Starbucks). Klein argues that the goal of each company is to become the dominant force in its respective field. Meanwhile, other corporations, such as Sony or Disney, simply open their own chains of stores, preventing the competition from even putting their products on the shelves.
This section also discusses the way that corporations merge with one another in order to add to their ubiquity and provide greater control over their image. ABC News, for instance, is allegedly under pressure not to air any stories that are overly critical of Disney, its parent company. Other chains, such as Wal-Mart, often threaten to pull various products off of their shelves, forcing manufacturers and publishers to comply with their demands. This might mean driving down manufacturing costs, or changing the artwork or content of products like magazines or albums so they better fit with Wal-Mart's image of family friendliness.
Also discussed is the way that corporations abuse copyright laws in order to silence anyone who might attempt to criticize their brand.

[edit] "No Jobs"

In this section, the book takes a darker tone, and looks at the way in which manufacturing jobs move from local factories to foreign countries, and particularly to places known as export processing zones. Such zones have no labor laws, leading to dire working conditions.
The book then shifts back to North America, where the lack of manufacturing jobs has led to an influx of work in the service sector, where most of the jobs are for minimum wage and offer no benefits. The term McJob is introduced, defined as a job with poor compensation that does not keep pace with inflation, inflexible or undesirable hours, little chance of advancement, and high levels of stress. Meanwhile, the public is being sold the perception that these jobs are temporary employment for students and recent graduates, and therefore need not offer living wages or benefits.
All of this is set against a backdrop of massive profits and wealth being produced within the corporate sector. The result is a new generation of employees who have come to resent the success of the companies they work for. This resentment, along with rising unemployment, labour abuses abroad, disregard for the environment and the ever-increasing presence of advertising breeds a new disdain for corporations.

[edit] "No Logo"

The final section of the book discusses various movements that have sprung up during the 1990s. These include Adbusters magazine and the culture-jamming movement, as well as Reclaim the Streets and the McLibel trial. Less radical protests are also discussed, such as the various movements aimed at putting an end to sweatshop labour.
Klein concludes by contrasting consumerism and citizenship, opting for the latter. "When I started this book," she writes, "I honestly didn't know whether I was covering marginal atomized scenes of resistance or the birth of a potentially broad-based movement. But as time went on, what I clearly saw was a movement forming before my eyes."

[edit] Criticism

After the book's release, Klein was heavily criticized by the news magazine The Economist, leading to a broadcast debate with Klein and the magazine's writers, dubbed "No Logo vs. Pro Logo".[4]
The 2004 book The Rebel Sell (published as Nation of Rebels in the United States) specifically criticised No Logo, stating that turning the improving quality of life in the working class into a fundamentally anti-market ideology is shallow.[citation needed]

[edit] Awards

The book won the following awards:
No Logo was also short-listed for the Guardian First Book Award in 2000.[7]

[edit] Editions

Several imprints of No Logo exist, including ISBN 0-676-97130-X (hardcover first edition), ISBN 0-312-20343-8 (hardcover), and ISBN 0-312-27192-1 (paperback). A 10th anniversary edition was published by Fourth Estate, ISBN 978-0-00-734077-4, that includes a new introduction by the author. Translations from the original English into several other languages have appeared. The subtitle, "Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies", was dropped in some later editions.

[edit] Video

Naomi Klein explains her ideas in the 2003 40-minute video No Logo – Brands, Globalization & Resistance, directed by Sut Jhally.

[edit] Influence in pop culture

  • Members of the English rock group Radiohead have stated that the book influenced them particularly during the making of their fourth and fifth albums, Kid A (2000) and Amnesiac (2001) respectively. (The albums were recorded over the same sessions.) The band recommended the book to fans on their website, and considered calling the album Kid A "No Logo" for a time.[8]
  • Argentine-American rock singer Kevin Johansen wrote a song inspired by Klein's book. A copy of No Logo is even used in the official video for the song "Logo".[9]
  • Canadian metal band Inner Surge have listed Klein's book as an influence on selected tracks from their album Signals Screaming.
  • The book was referenced in Robert Muchamore's CHERUB: The Recruit. It was recommended to James Adams by Brian 'Bungle' Evans, and later by Ewart Asker.
  • The book is referenced in Ian Ferguson and Will Ferguson's How To Be A Canadian. The brothers mention that they think "the cover to Naomi Klein's book No Logo would make an excellent logo".
  • The book is referred to in Warren Ellis's Doktor Sleepless, when during a speech about consumerism the Doktor mentions that "Even No Logo had a fucking logo on it".
  • Rapper MC Lars's album This Gigantic Robot Kills contains a track entitled "No Logo", a satirical analysis of anti-government youth, partially inspired by the book.[10]
  • Argentinian soloist Indio Solari referred to the book in the song "Nike is the Culture" (Nike es la cultura), singing, "You shout no logo, or don't you shout no logo, or you shout no logo no".
  • Dhani Harrison, son of George Harrison and front-man of English electronic/alternative rock group Thenewno2, has stated that No Logo had a large influence on their 2008 release, You Are Here.
  • Lamont Herbert Dozier credits Klein as an inspiration for the song he co-wrote "Loco in Acapulco"; "I believe the song depicts the consumeristic nature of the materialist society that is obsessed with brand identity." (Dozier, 2010)[full citation needed]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ "No Logo by Naomi Klein". Retrieved 2 February 2012.
  2. ^ "No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies". Amazon. Retrieved 2 February 2012.
  3. ^ "Klein teams up with Cuaron for anti-globalization short". CBC News. 2007-09-06. Retrieved 2008-09-29.
  4. ^
  5. ^
  6. ^
  7. ^ "Guardian First Book Award 2000". The Guardian (London). Retrieved 2010-05-20.
  8. ^ Eccleston, Danny (October 2000). "(Radiohead article)". Q Magazine. Retrieved 2007-03-18.
  9. ^ "Logo" music video; Kevin Johansen; YouTube Accessed September 3, 2010
  10. ^ "No Logo with Jesse Dangerously". Retrieved February 24, 2009.

[edit] External links

[edit] Multimedia

  • CBC Archives – CBC Television HotType N. Klein talking about her book.

Category:Works about information economics


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Wiknonomics, How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything

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Wikinomics front cover.png
Front cover of Wikinomics
Author(s)Don Tapscott, Anthony D. Williams
CountryUnited States
Subject(s)Business networking
Publication dateDecember 2006
Media typePrint (hardcover)
Pages324 p.
OCLC Number318389282
Dewey Decimal658/.046 22
LC ClassificationHD69.S8 T37 2006
Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything (ISBN 1591841380)[1] is a book by Don Tapscott and Anthony D. Williams, first published in December 2006. It explores how some companies in the early 21st century have used mass collaboration and open-source technology, such as wikis, to be successful.


[edit] Concepts

According to Tapscott, Wikinomics is based on four ideas: Openness, Peering, Sharing, and Acting Globally. The use of mass collaboration in a business environment, in recent history, can be seen as an extension of the trend in business to outsource: externalize formerly internal business functions to other business entities. The difference however is that instead of an organized business body brought into being specifically for a unique function, mass collaboration relies on free individual agents to come together and cooperate to improve a given operation or solve a problem. This kind of outsourcing is also referred to as crowdsourcing, to reflect this difference. This can be incentivized by a reward system, though it is not required.
The book also discusses seven new models of mass collaboration, including:
  • Peering: For example, page 24, "Marketocracy employs a form of peering in a mutual fund (Ticker Symbol: MOFQX) that harnesses the collective intelligence of the investment community...Though not completely open source, it is an example of how meritocratic, peer-to-peer models are seeping into an industry where conventional wisdom favors the lone super-star stock advisor."[2]
  • Ideagoras: For example, page 98, linking experts with unsolved research and development problems. The company InnoCentive is a consulting group that encapsulates the idea of ideagoras.[3]
  • Prosumers: For example, page 125, where it discusses the social video game Second Life as being created by its customers. When customers are also the producers, you have the phenomenon: Prosumer.[4]
  • New Alexandrians: This idea is about the Internet and sharing knowledge.
The last chapter is written by viewers, and was opened for editing on February 5, 2007.

[edit] Central Concepts of Wikinomics in the Enterprise

According to Tapscott and Williams, these four principles are the central concepts of wikinomics in the enterprise:
  1. Openness, which includes not only open standards and content but also financial transparency and an open attitude towards external ideas and resources
  2. Peering, which replaces hierarchical models with a more collaborative forum. Tapscott and Williams cite the development of Linux as the "quintessential example of peering."
  3. Sharing, which is a less proprietary approach to (among other things) products, intellectual property, bandwidth, scientific knowledge
  4. Acting globally, which involves embracing globalization and ignoring "physical and geographical boundaries" at both the corporate and individual level.

[edit] Coase's Law

In the chapter The Perfect Storm, the authors give an overview of the economic effects of the kind of transactions Web 2.0 permits. According to the authors, Coase's Law (see Ronald Coase) governs the expansion of a business:
A firm will tend to expand until the cost of organizing an extra transaction within the firm become equal to the costs of carrying out the same transaction on the open market.[5]
However, because of the changing usage patterns of Internet technologies, the cost of transactions has dropped so significantly that the authors assert that the market is better described by an inversion of Coase's Law. That is:
A firm will tend to expand until the cost of carrying out an extra transaction on the open market become equal to the costs of organizing the same transaction within the firm.[5]
Thus, the authors think that with the costs of communicating dramatically dropping, firms who do not change their current structures will perish. Companies who utilize mass collaboration will dominate their respective markets.

[edit] Reception

A review of this book in the Harvard Business Review states "like its title, the book's prose can fall into breathless hype."[6] A review of this book in Choice recommends the book for "general readers and practitioners," but cautions that the authors "present an optimistic overview of successful collaborations and business ventures", "use unique terms (e.g., marketocracy, prosumption, knowledge commons)", should have given "more consideration [to] the darker sides of human motivation as well as groupthink and mass mediocrity", and "primarily draw on their own observations of businesses and trends for the ideas presented.".[7]
Tapscott and Williams released a followup to Wikinomics, titled Macrowikinomics: Rebooting Business and the World, on September 28, 2010.[8][9]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ LCCN 2006-51390
  2. ^ Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything, 24.
  3. ^ Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything, 97.
  4. ^ Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything, 124.
  5. ^ a b Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything, 56
  6. ^ Harvard Business Review, March 2007 v85 i3 p34(1)
  7. ^ Choice: Current Reviews for Academic Libraries, August 2007 v44 i12 p2147
  8. ^
  9. ^

[edit] External links


Paul Gilding’s “The Great Disruption”


Why the climate crisis will bring on the end of shopping and the birth of a new world

Paul Gilding, Bloomsbury Press, 2011          
See the Earth Island Journal for another version of this review.

“The great disruption” is a bit of an odd notion. It suggests that big trouble is on the horizon, but also that it’s not really going to be that bad. A “great disruption” is not anything like, say, a “long emergency” (James Howard Kunstler), or a “collapse” (Jared Diamond), and it’s certainly nothing like “the revenge of Gaia” (James Lovelock). All three are acknowledged here, and points duly granted, but Gilding’s opinion is that, after a rough transition, maybe a few tough decades, we’ll nevertheless come out right.
It’s a clever strategy, and it fits Gilding’s argument, and it certainly has its advantages. For one thing, it moves the reviewers to immediately give you the adult nod. This book, you see, is not just another apocalyptic screed, but rather (Kirkus) “a remarkably optimistic view of the brave new world in our future.” Gilding even got a high-five from Tom “the world is flat” Friedman, right there in the august pages of the New York Times. He has friends in high places. Sales are brisk.
So it’s no surprise that activist types tend to grumble when Gilding’s name comes up. Nor is the problem just his “optimistic view.” It’s also that he’s long been trading off the years, back in the early 1990s, when he was head of Greenpeace International. The affiliation didn’t stick, and Gilding then used it to launch himself as a high-level (big corporations) green-business consultant. Not a good way to win love among the grassroots folks. I’m willing to bet that few among them will ever read The Great Disruption.
But ignoring Gilding’s optimism would be a mistake. It’s not the usual variety, and while there’s something wrong with it, there’s also something right. And with the green movement now in a long-overdue rethink, it’s hard to imagine a better book to argue with. Gilding has been working closely with Jorgen Randers, one of the authors of the original Limits to Growth, and, science-wise, he knows what he’s talking about. Moreover, he has set out to sketch out a positive transition story that he himself actually believes. If his story isn’t good enough (and it’s not), it’s nevertheless welcome, and even useful. Take it as a goad to write a better one yourself. We’ll all be better off if someone finally gets this right.
The real problem here is the global emergency mobilization, the one we so badly need. But while such a mobilization is hard to imagine right now – what with the elites dithering and thrashing as a virulent wave of asinine ideological bullshit passes through their boardrooms and salons – Gilding thinks that, soon, we’re going to wake in a sweat, shrug off the denial, and get to work. He several times repeats that “We’re slow but not stupid.” He thinks that we’re going to get it together:
“Our backs will be against the wall, and in that situation we have proved ourselves to be extraordinary. As the full scale of the imminent crisis hits us, our response will be proportionally dramatic; mobilizing as we do in war. We will change at a scale and speed we can barely imagine today, completely transforming our economy, including our energy and transport industries, in just a few short decades… it is precisely the severity of the problem that will drive a response that is overwhelming in scale and speed and will go right to the core of our societies.”
Do you like Churchill quotes? Haven’t gotten enough of them from Al Gore? The Great Disruption is a veritable compendium! Which makes sense because Gilding, along with Randers, is the author of 2009′s The One-degree War Plan, which argues that in less than ten years we’ll be on a planetary war footing. A war, that is, to save civilization. Churchill, and particularly his comment on the “era of procrastination, of half measures, of soothing and baffling expedience of delays,” is thus inevitable. The question is if Gilding is right to quote it. If, that is, the “era of procrastination” is indeed “coming to its close.”

The great awakening

Gilding, with unintended irony (he doesn’t seem aware of the phrase’s established religious connotations), speaks confidently of a coming “great awakening.” In this he has made a bold move, though not one, I think, that he will regret. Something like a great awakening would indeed be welcome. Because you don’t have to rely on the details of his techno-economic analysis (there are lots of good studies at this point) to know that we can still escape from this odd, tragic, civilizational dead-end. If we try. The energy transition studies, the agro-ecological research, the financial analyses – they’re all stacking up. We have options, lots of them. The question, as always, is if we’re going to take them.
Gilding believes we will, and he actually tries to make the case. He tells a tale in which fossil-energy stocks crash – which is probably a pretty good call, if we set out to not commit civilizational suicide (see From peak oil to unburnable carbon). He speaks matter of factly of the end of the international climate deadlock (“this will certainly require funding from rich countries initially, but this is widely accepted in the international politics of climate change.”) He goes on at length about the challenges beyond climate stabilization – the limits to growth and all the rest of it – and argues that we’ll happily face them down.
How can he get away with all this, and not be laughed off the stage? Because he has a great and powerful ally, one that even today can protect his back and his honor. That ally is reality. Gilding believes that change will come because it must. Because we’re already burning through the net primary production of 1.4 planets a year. Because the crisis of food production is real. Because the problem is nothing as simple as population. Because inadequate carbon-stabilization targets (like the ones now being pursued) represent only “planning to fail.” Because the crisis is real and “we are slow but not stupid.”
The nub of it: Gilding thinks that, inevitably, the “dam will burst,” and that when it does this world of ours, in which even mild reforms are treated as anathema, will be rudely swept away. It’s the old optimism of “necessity,” of revolution as a sudden reversal of perspective. We’ll save ourselves because, soon, the need to do so will have become unavoidable, and thus established common sense. “When the alternative is catastrophic, the inconceivable rapidly becomes normal.”
Is this a thin reed? Yup. Which is why The Great Disruption, while refreshing, is ultimately disappointing.
The weakest part of The Great Disruption is weak the way the weakest part of Bill McKibben’s Eaarth is weak, or the weakest part of Juliet Schor’s Plenitude. There is serious talk of inequality, but little sustained, nuts and bolts talk of economic justice. Too many of Gilding’s alternatives seem more likely to suit the middle classes more than the poor – sometimes, indeed, they seem carriers of an odd middle-class utopianism. There is too little talk of the denialists and the dead-enders, and of the cult of stupidity that has taken hold on the right.
What, finally, is wrong with Gilding’s analysis? Simply his belief that since the great disruption must happen, it will. The truth is rather that, since it must happen, it could. That that future isn’t over yet.
It isn’t much, but it’s what we have.
Tom Athanasiou

The Five Star Movement

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The Five Star MoVement (MoVimento 5 Stelle, M5S) is a political party in Italy launched by Beppe Grillo, a popular activist, comedian and blogger, and the Web strategist Gianroberto Casaleggio on 4 October 2009.[6][7][8] The party is populist,[9][10][11] ecologist,[12] and partially Eurosceptic.[13][14] It also advocates direct democracy[15][16] and free access to the Internet,[17] and condemns corruption. The M5S's programme also contains elements of right-wing populism and American-style libertarianism. Party members stress that the M5S is not a party but a "movement" and so it may not be included in the traditional left right paradigm. The "five stars" are a reference to five key issues: public water, sustainable transport, development, connectivity, and environmentalism.


[edit] History

[edit] Meetups

On 16 July 2005 Beppe Grillo offered supporters of the proposals submitted to his blog to adopt social networks to communicate and coordinate local meetings. Coordination of activists through Meetups had already been adopted in 2003 by Howard Dean during the campaign for the primaries of the Democratic Party of the United States.[18] This is how the first 40 meetup "friends of Beppe Grillo", with the initial aim, according to the same Grillo, "have fun, get together and share ideas and proposals for an better world, starting from their own city. And discuss and develop, if you believe, my post "[19] Within the meetup you create thematic working group on topics including" Technology and Innovation "," Press-communication "," critical consumption " , "Study Moneta", "No Incinerators"[20][21] It is from these experiences that is asked Grillo to stand for election primaries for the choice of the Prime Ministerial candidate of the centre-left coalition The Union, provided for October 2005.[22]
On three occasions - 17 December in Turin, 26 March in Piacenza and 16 to 18 June in Sorrento - the representatives of the meetup "Meetup" held meetings nationally in the presence of the Grillo. In these circumstances, proposals are discussed mostly inherent environmental issues such as the replacement of polluting incinerators with the mechanical-biological treatment of waste.[23]
During the fourth national meeting held in Genoa, 3 February 2007, Beppe Grillo announced his desire to leave the Meetup activists local autonomous space within one of the shows of his tour. The meeting in Parma held on 14 July 2007 involved the representatives of some civic lists of participants in local elections last spring.[when?] You share a document of intent for the creation of "a network of civic lists and movements, associations, organizations [...] that include within them a horizontal organization and not top-down" and that they recognize the "principle of participation democratic citizens."[24]

[edit] V-Days

V-Day in Bologna, in 2007.
On 14 June 2007 Beppe Grillo launched the idea of Vaffanculo Day (Fuck you Day), or simply V-Day, a day of public mobilisation for the collection of signatures required to submit a law of popular initiative that seeks to introduce preferences in the current electoral law to prevent the nomination as Parliamentary candidates of recipients of criminal convictions or those who have already completed two terms in office.[25] The meeting was held in Bologna.
The choice of the name of the event, V-Day, of course, is linked to a threefold reference: the first in the D-Day Normandy landing of the Allies during the Second World War, as well as Italian citizens would disembark in life Italian civil from bad policy, and the second to feature film "V for Vendetta" (whose symbol is a reference in the logo of the movement) to which the principles of political renewal refers often the movement and third to the interjection "Fuck you" given to bad policy.
V-Day, which continued the initiative promoted by Beppe Grillo Clean Parliament since 2006, took place in many Italian cities the following 8 September, the date chosen to evoke a state of confusion besetting the state, as at the ' September 8, 1943. Were gathered 336,000 signatures, far exceeding the 50,000 required for the filing of the law of popular initiative. For the occasion, Michele Serra coined the term "grillismo"[26]
In the wake of the success, exceeding the expectations of the organisers,[citation needed] V2-Day was organised for 25 April 2008, a second day of action aimed at collecting signatures for three referendums. On 29 and 30 September 2007 in Lucca several members of MeetUp "Meetup" and lists of local civic, driven initial open discussion in the and in the wake of the previous meeting of Perugia, setting the bar for policies for the establishment of civic lists. On 10 October 2007, Grillo gave guidance on how to create the civic lists[27]

[edit] Five Star civic lists

On 3 December 2008, Grillo announces the symbol of the Civic Lists at Five Stars for the local elections of 2009. Logo in the "V" of "citizenship" is a reference to V-Day[28] In Bologna, 17 February 2009, a gathering of civic lists discussing the future of the movement and the subsequent elections, in particular, Sonia Alfano consulted with the activist base of the movement about his possible candidacy for the European Parliament as an independent candidate on the Italy of Values list.
On 8 March 2009, he first national meeting of the Five Star Civic Lists was held in Florence. Here Beppe Grillo had the Charter of Florence, bone joint 12-point program of the various local civic lists in the afternoon, about twenty local groups present their ideas and experiences. In April Grillo announced a letter of Nobel Prize winner in economics Joseph Stiglitz in which he declares to look carefully at the experience of local civic lists promoted through the blog[29]
On 29 March 2009 Grillo announced that in the upcoming European elections he would support Luigi de Magistris and Sonia Alfano, figures close to the movement as independent candidates in the lists of Italy of Values, together with the journalist Carlo Vulpio, also close to the movement[30] On 11 June and De Magistris is Alfano, candidates in all five constituencies are elected to the European Parliament, resulting in the first and second preferences 419 000 143 000. In the same election, as stated by Beppe Grillo, 23 councilors are elected Civic Lists of Five Star, especially in the municipalities of Emilia-Romagna in central Italy[31]
On 9 September 2009, it was announced the launch of the "National Movement Five Star" inspired by the ideologies of the Charter of Florence[32] Along with Gianroberto Casaleggio to the Emerald Theatre in Milan, 4 October 2009 Beppe Grillo declared the birth of Five Star Movement and ran a programme.[33]

[edit] 2010–2012 regional and local elections

At the 2010 regional elections the M5S obtained notable results in the five regions where it ran a candidate for President: Giovanni Favia gained 7.0% of the vote in Emilia-Romagna (6.0% for the list, 2 regional councillors elected), Davide Bono 4.1% in Piedmont (3.7%, 2 councillors), David Borrelli 3.2% in Veneto (2.6%, no councillors), Vito Crimi 3.0% in Lombardy (2.3%, no councillors) and Roberto Fico 1.3% in Campania (1.3%, no councillors).[34]

Beppe Grillo held a rally in Turin during the electoral campaign, 2010.
At the local elections on 15 and 16 May 2011, the Movement occurs in 75 of the 1,177 municipalities in the vote,[35] including 18 of the 23 provincial capitals called to vote. In the first round the Movement enters its representatives in 28 municipalities (for a total of 34 elected councilors) and often resulting in some important decisive ballots[36] The best results are in the cities and towns of the center-north, especially in Emilia-Romagna (where the list gets between 9 and 12% in Bologna, Rimini and Ravenna) and Piedmont, while in the south rarely exceeds 2% of the vote.
Regional elections in Molise on 16 and 17 October 2011 had its own candidate for the presidency and its own list, the list received 2.27% of the votes and the presidential candidate the 5.60% of the vote, but no seats[37]
At the 2012 local elections the M5S did well in several cities of the North, notably in Genoa (14.1%),[38] Verona (9.5%),[39] Parma (19.9%),[40] Monza (10.2%),[41] and Piacenza (10.0%).[42] In the small Venetian town of Sarego, the M5S's candidate was elected mayor with 35.2% of the vote (there is no run-off in towns with less than 15,000 inhabitants).[43] In the run-offs the party won the mayorships of Parma (60.2%),[40] Mira (52.5%),[44] and Comacchio (69.2%).[45]
After the election, the party consistently scored around 15-20% nationally in opinion polls, frequently ahead of The People of Freedom and second just to the Democratic Party (see 2013 general election).
At the Sicilian regional elections of 2012 the M5S filed as candidate Giancarlo Cancelleri. The campaign kicked off with Grillo's arrival in Messina on 10 October swimming from the mainland.[46][47] In the election Cancelleri came third with 18.2% of the vote, while the M5S was the most voted party with 14.9%, obtaining 15 seats out of 90 in the Regional Assembly, in a very fragmented political landscape.[48] The election was however characterized by a low participation as only 47.4% of eligible voters effectively turned out to vote.[49]

[edit] 2013 general election

On 29 October 2012, Grillo announced the guidelines for standing as party candidates in the 2013 general election.[50][51] For the first time in Italy, the candidates were chosen by party members through an online primary between 3 and 6 December.[52]
On 12 December 2012, Grillo expelled two leading members from the party: Giovanni Favia, regional councillor of Emilia-Romagna, and Federica Salsi, municipal councillor in Bologna, due to political party rules infringement. The former had talked about the lack of democracy within the party, while the latter had taken part in a political talk show on Italian television, something that was discouraged and later forbidden by Grillo.[53]
On 22 February 2013, a large crowd of 800,000 people attended the final rally of Beppe Grillo before the general election, in Piazza San Giovanni in Rome.[54] On 24 and 25 February 2013, M5S contested all Italian constituencies: Beppe Grillo was listed as head of the coalition, although he was not an electoral candidate.
The vote for M5S in the Chamber of Deputies reached 25.55% of the vote in Italy and 9.67% for overseas voters, for a total of 8,784,499 votes, making it the second most voted list after the Democratic Party (which acquired 25.42% of the votes in Italy and 29.9% abroad, or 8,932,615 votes), obtaining 108 deputies. The M5S vote for the Senate was 23.79% in Italy and 10% abroad, for a total of 7,375,412 votes, second only to the PD (which garnered 8,674,893 votes), obtaining 54 Senators. This was a successful election for M5S as the party gained a higher share of the vote than was expected by any of the opinion polls. The M5S won 25.6% of the vote for the Chamber of Deputies, more than any other single party. However, both the centre-left Italy Common Good coalition, centred around the Democratic Party, and the centre-right alliance, centred around The People of Freedom, obtained more votes as coalitions.[55][56]
Coupons are also the results of the regional in Lombardy, Lazio and Molise, where candidates acquired the third highest number of votes, and the party won 9 councilors in Lombardy, 2 and 7 in Molise and Lazio.[citation needed] The m5S became the largest party in the Abruzzo, Marche, Liguria, Sicily and Sardinia.[57]

[edit] Ideology

In the Five Star Movement converge themes derived from ecological and anti-particracy promoting the direct participation of citizens in the management of public affairs through forms of digital democracy. From the economic point of view, embraces the theories of degrowth supporting the creation of jobs, "green", and a rejection of polluting and expensive, including incinerators and many "great works", aiming to an overall better quality of life and greater social justice[58] The Movement 5 Star proposes the adoption of large-scale energy projects, elimination of waste, sustainable mobility, protection of territory by overbuilding, teleworking, computerization[59]

[edit] Politicians as "employees," the policy as "service"

One of the fundamental ideas of the Five Star Movement is that politicians are addicted to the project of the Italian people[60][61][62] Some politicians have willingly accepted the definition of "employee", for example, on 10 and 11 January 2006, in Trieste, the two candidates for mayor and Ettore Rosato Roberto Dipiazza have signed a pledge, if elected, to be considered "employees "citizens of Trieste.

[edit] Auto reduction of salary and rejection of campaign contributions

Another feature of the movement is the so-called autoredox salary of the elect, in line with this principle, in some regions such as Piedmont, Emilia-Romagna[63][64] and Sicily[65] the elect allocate part of the salary for purposes relating to the 'political activity of the group (exposed cover, legal fees, appeals to the Administrative Court and the Council of State, etc.[66]). Likewise the movement intends to reject campaign contributions, Grillo described the reasons for this choice March 27, 2010. After the regional elections in Sicily in 2012, in addition to refusing to more than "1 Million Euro in electoral reimbursements," the MoVement has decided to allocate the money saved by the reduction of the salaries of their "Elected Officials" in a fund for the micro-credit to help small and medium enterprises, from MoVement always been considered the "backbone of Italy".[67]

[edit] Elimination of multi-tasks and compliance mandates

Among the major political battles of employees M5S is the ethical commitment, internally consistent since[68] to a greater simplicity and transparency as possible to counter the use by any legal means to hold two or more positions[69][70][71] which show the intricate conflicts of interest between any organization, subsequently strengthened by public register[72] to avoid accentrazioni type nepotistic and clientelistic.[73][74][75][76]

[edit] Civil rights

The leader of the movement, Grillo, on 15 July 2012, claims to be approving of marriages between persons of the same sex[77] The declaration of Grillo was inspired by the discussion of the National Assembly on the subject.[78] In offering his support to gay marriage, Grillo has filled a silence on the subject, which some might denote opposition, clarifying the full support of the movement to recognize such marriages.[79]

[edit] Criticism

With the 2010 elections some parties highlighted a contradiction between the voluntary collective action in the struggles of civil society and openness in political representation[80][81][82] Also in 2010, there were tensions between the movement and Italy of Values.[83]

Beppe Grillo (on the right) with Giovanni Favia (on the left), who was expelled from the movement in 2011.
In March 2012 the city councillor in Rimini Valentino Tavolazzi advocated a national meeting on behalf of the movement,[84][85] gathered about 150 participants, praise and harsh criticism even by those few politicians who were present at the convention,[86] with harsh stance in the content of the meeting about the "conditions of Regulation M5S" because it was discovered to be in conflict with the statutes of its Civic Party of origin "Project for Ferrara". The was officially revoked the use of the logo[87] and received the ban from taking any position on behalf of M5S, was perpetuated as a legacy of controversy also internal democracy.[88][89][90]
Since 2007 Grillo criticized the extent of the cost of the policy by entering the Statute of moving an article which provides for the reduction dell'onorario for deputies and senators[91] Based on this policy, the benefits perceived by the Honourable must be of 5 thousand euro gross per month, while the remainder will be returned to the State with solidarity allowance (also called end-term). According to the regional director of the Five Star Movement Giovanni Favia, the deduction of 5,000 euro gross salary of parliamentarians is, however, inadequate to the principles of the movement, as it would result in a reduction of only 2500 euro net. In an interview in November 2012 a few newspapers, Favia estimated 11 thousand euro per month in the fees prescribed for a member of five stars, even though it does not explain how it got to deduct that amount because it necessarily includes reimbursements and per diem is not flat, employees that is, costs and expenses which vary from member to member.[92]
Following the exclusion of the same Giovanni Favia and Federica Salsi for expressing views critical of the absent internal democracy, the party has been expelled from several criticisms and members of the same party[93][94] The expulsions were made unilaterally by the owner of Beppe Grillo and symbol, as per regulation, took place without prior consultation with members of the movement.[95][96][97]
Another criticism frequently by the same movement activists and former activists about the absence of any form of effective participation on the web[98] There is currently a tool for collective writing of the program and the proposed law. The forum is considered inadequate for the purpose[99][100] Through his blog, in September 2012, Grillo said that a portal to participate via the web was already under construction[101] The triggering was scheduled for the end of the year 2012, but at the time of the elections of February 2013 it was not yet realized.

[edit] Electoral results

[edit] Italian Parliament

Chamber of Deputies
Election year# of
overall votes
% of
overall vote
# of
overall seats won
# of seats won
for citizens abroad
20138,689,168 (#1)25.55
109 / 630
1 / 12
Election year# of
overall votes
% of
overall vote
# of
overall seats won
20137,285,648 (#2)23.79
54 / 315

[edit] Leadership

[edit] References

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[edit] External links