Showing posts with label Richard murphy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Richard murphy. Show all posts

Tuesday, 22 September 2015

CYBERNETIC ECONOMICS GROUP

 

Richard Murphy

What follows is a public notice which has being doing the rounds in connection with the "ascent" Jeremy Corbyn, and his Proposal for a QE for the People

By Robert Searle


CYBERNETIC ECONOMICS GROUP



Probably the most important idea that a possible future Corbyn government could implement is to bring together the best experts in the field of Information Technology, or IT, and other relevant subjects. The aim should be to develop a Cybernetic Economy within a Capitalist Economy. However, with this approach it would also be possible with “ease,” and with the “desire of the people” for it to evolve into a more genuine “Socialist” Economy where democracy of a higher order could ideally exist. Such an approach is already outlined in what is termed Transfinancial Economics (or TFE), and a future Cybernetic Economics Group could base most of its ideas on it.

Essentially TFE goes beyond QE for the People to an Information Economy (in the literal sense of this term) in which it would be possible to understand the Economy in Real-Time. Interest rates, and taxation could if desired be phased out altogether to be replaced by super-flexible electronic controls. These would monitor, and control inflation en direct, but in a way which would allow the Free Market Price to fluctuate as much as possible. Such controls are a stark contrast to price controls of the past.

It must be understood that technology in the field of Information Technology is growing exponentially (notably the processing power of data) and would have untold implications for Economics. Thus, the above paragraph may seem “fantastic” but the “fanstastic” is already occurring as indicated (eg. Big Data, and Quantum Computing). It is time to wake up to all this, and what it means to humanity. For basic info on TFE please press my name on the above post. This subject is part of an entry on the P2P Foundation which is a credible, and influential site of high repute. TFE is ofcourse a form of Cybernetic Economics.

http://www.p2pfoundation.net/Transfinancial_Economics



The above appeared as a comment on http://www.taxresearch.org.uk/Blog/2015/09/21/ft-commentators-are-confused-by-corbyn/  This is a blog run by Richard Murphy who acts as an economics advisor to Jeremy Corbyn. He has written a lot about QE for the People.

IMPORTANT  It should also be stressed the importance of uncertainty in the Economy, and the irrationality of the Markets are fully recognized within the New Paradigm of Transfinancial Economics. With super flexible electronic controls this could be dealt with successfully.



Friday, 4 September 2015

Peston, and Murphy on People’s QE




So what are the economic policies of the long-serving Labour backbencher, Jeremy Corbyn, who has become the darling of Labour's new members and - out of nowhere - has become favourite to emerge as leader of Her Majesty's Opposition?

Helpfully he produced an economic manifesto, "The Economy in 2020".
At its heart is the precept that "Labour must create a balanced economy that ensures workers and government share fairly in the wealth creation process, that encourages and supports innovation in every sector of the economy; and that invests in skills and infrastructure to build an economy that is more sustainable and more equal".
Which is the sort of statement, absent detail on the means to get there, that most would say sounds alright.
But Corbyn is, famously, of the left. So his path to creating a more sustainable and equal society would not appeal to all.
Even so his opposition to this government's planned cuts to corporation and inheritance tax, and his muscular hatred of tax avoidance and evasion, are not the stuff of swivel-eyed Leninism.
There are plenty of political moderates who question why, at a time of scarce resources, it is a priority for messrs Cameron and Osborne to give tax breaks to better-off dead people.
But of course that is not the end of Corbynism. Like many left-wingers of his generation, he never felt comfortable with privatisations and was not persuaded by his erstwhile leader, Tony Blair, that Labour was right to end its Clause 4 commitment to pursuing public ownership of the means of production.
So Jeremy Corbyn wants the state to re-acquire ownership of the railways (as does another left-ish candidate to lead Labour, the lapsed Blairite, Andy Burnham), he has floated a plan for the government to acquire controlling stakes in energy companies and he has talked about whether Labour should adopt a new modern version of the traditional socialist commitment for the workers to own the towering heights of the economy.
Some of you of a free-market inclination may at this juncture be spluttering into your flat whites and mojitos. But again, there is nothing desperately surprising about any of this.
The hard left didn't die under Tony Blair's aegis. It was marginalised. A bit like punk rock in the reign of the Spice Girls, it retreated into specialist clubs and cabals, knowing that one day there would be a hunger for its seductive remedies for the world's injustices.
So the underlying causes of the ascent of Corbynism are driving politics throughout the rich west - and benefit the extreme populist right (the Front National in France, Trump in the US) as much as the Syrizas and Podemoses of the left.
They include a palpable sense that the establishment parties have for years and consistently lied about the benefits of globalisation, given the inescapable evidence that disproportionate spoils go to the very rich.
And almost everywhere tolerance of an economic model that appeared to disempower all of us, and whose fruits were not available to all, dramatically decreased after the 2008 Crash that turned lacklustre wage growth into sharply squeezed living standards.
Liz Kendall, Andy Burnham, Yvette Cooper and Jeremy CorbynImage copyright Getty Images
Image caption Liz Kendall, Andy Burnham, Yvette Cooper and Jeremy Corbyn hope to succeed Ed Miliband
So Corbynism is a kind of collective howl - which can be heard in different accents all over the world - that it doesn't have to be this way.
But what is driving mainstream Labour members bonkers about all of this is the way that Corbyn's supporters - some young and new to the party, others freshly returned from self-imposed exile in other far left caucuses - are wearing their support for Jeremy Corbyn as a badge of protest, the equivalent of a ripped punk-rock t-shirt, but not as part of any practical collective mission to form a Cabinet and actually govern.
And, by the way, what is particularly galling for what you might call conventional Labour is how Ed Miliband's party reforms priced the T-shirt at just £3 - which is all you have to pay to have a vote on Labour's next leader.
In this context, Jeremy Corbyn's most important policy is actually his most novel. And it is what he calls, alluringly, "quantitative easing for people instead of banks".
This is how he describes it: "one option would be for the Bank of England to be given a new mandate to upgrade our economy to invest in new large scale housing, energy, transport and digital projects".
For the avoidance of doubt, this is not same-old, same-old socialism; it is new, radical thinking.
But in a world where globalisation and the free movement of capital are inescapable realities, so-called quantitative easing for people brings considerable risks. Some will see it as stupendously dangerous.
For detail on what it involves, Jeremy Corbyn prays in aid the campaigning tax analyst, Richard Murphy.
Now here it gets a bit technical so bear with me.
What we think of as normal quantitative easing - though it was unconventional when the Bank of England embarked on it in 2009 - involves the Bank of England creating new money to buy government debt.
There is a lively debate about quite how economically useful it has been. It might have pushed down interest rates a bit for all, through a slightly convoluted transmission mechanism. And it might have encouraged a bit of incremental consumption and investment by inflating the price of houses and other assets.
But probably the most important point about quantitative easing as currently configured is that the debt bought by the Bank of England has to be repaid - eventually - by the Treasury.
In other words the £375bn of new money created by the Bank of England through quantitative easing will one day be withdrawn from the economy, through the repayment of debts by the government, when the economy is perceived to be strong enough.
Now it will be decades before all the £375bn is returned. And theoretically it could never be repaid, if the Bank of England simply decided to roll over maturing debts each time they are due for repayment (as it is doing at the moment).
But the important fact is that the debts still exist as a real liability of the Treasury - and that matters.
Here is why.
Central banks, like the Bank of England, have an extraordinary privilege and power to magic money out of nowhere. Which is another way of saying that money has no intrinsic value, and is only worth what we as a society determine it is worth. And, in the reality of global financial capitalism, it is currency traders who decide what sterling is worth, nano-second by nano-second.
So to avoid a collapse in the currency and rampant inflation, central banks have to be seen to be exercising great restraint in the creation of new money.
The lore of central banks - which, rightly or wrongly, is almost universally accepted by investors - says that central banks should only look at whether there is too much or too little money in the economy in determining whether to increase or shrink the supply of money, and not at narrower economic questions such as whether there are enough roads or houses being being built in Britain.
Or to put it another way, successful central banks are those that are not bossed around by politicians, who are perceived to be more interested in being re-elected than in economic stability.
Bank of EnglandImage copyright EPA
Image caption Would Jeremy Corbyn's policies threaten the Bank of England's independence?
Now to be clear, none of this is to argue that Jeremy Corbyn is wrong to want more investment in energy, housing and other infrastructure. But it is to say that if the Bank of England were mandated to do that, most investors would conclude that the Bank of England's primary objective was no longer to preserve the value of the currency but to finance politically popular projects.
They would fear that if the Bank of England is forced to finance projects that the private sector - by Jeremy Corbyn's admission - won't finance, it would be throwing good money after bad.
In those circumstances, sterling would weaken, with inflationary consequences - and perhaps with devastatingly inflationary consequences.
Probably Jeremy Corbyn and his counsellor Richard Murphy would argue that this is unduly alarmist - and that all the Bank of England would be doing would be to purchase new debt issued by energy or transport companies, presumably state-owned or state-backed, and this is surely not much different from the Bank of England's purchases of gilts or government debt.
That may be right, as a matter of theory, and even - in the case of America - in practice, in that the Federal Reserve in the US has subsidised housing finance for years by purchasing colossal amounts of state-backed mortgage debt.
What is more the former head of the Financial Services Authority, Adair Turner, has been arguing that in order to make meaningful inroads into the UK's massive debt burden, the Bank of England should consider going one step further than quantitative easing and - in a highly prescribed way - create money to actually annul debts.
But the dollar is still the world's reserve currency, and the Fed can take liberties with it that are not available to the Bank of England.
Also it is very difficult to conceive of a way in which the perception - the confidence trick perhaps - of Bank of England independence could be preserved, while obliging it (to repeat Jeremy Corbyn's words) "to invest in new large scale housing, energy, transport and digital projects".
Once it had those explicit objectives, investors would see it as politician's poodle and conclude that preserving the value of sterling would be not quite the priority it has today.
Which is not that the UK would turn into hyperinflationary Zimbabwe or 1923 Germany.
But the risk of investing in sterling and the UK would be seen to have increased. And therefore the cost of finance here would rise - which would mean that there would be even less long-term productive investment here, and a British malaise correctly identified by Jeremy Corbyn would be made more acute.

UPDATE 16:05

The guru of Corbynomics. Richard Murphy, has responded to my blog on Jeremy Corbyn's "quantitative easing for people".
He clarifies that the debt to be acquired by the Bank of England would be issued by a new state-owned investment bank, whose role would be to finance housing, transport, and so on.
But I am not sure the existence of this new public-sector bank significantly helps his cause.
Because there would be widespread concerns that the Bank of England would be indirectly financing white elephants via this investment bank - and would, as I mentioned earlier, be throwing good money after bad.
Or to put it another way, quantitative easing for people makes good economic sense only if you believe that a state investment bank would make viable investments that the private sector refuses to make.




Article II

Robert Peston on People’s QE

Posted on by Richard Murphy/Tax Research Blog


Robert Peston has written a long piece on Corbynomics.




As he says:
Corbynism is a kind of collective howl – which can be heard in different accents all over the world – that it doesn’t have to be this way.
He’s right. And continues:
In this context, Jeremy Corbyn’s most important policy is actually his most novel. And it is what he calls, alluringly, “quantitative easing for people instead of banks”.
This is how he describes it: “one option would be for the Bank of England to be given a new mandate to upgrade our economy to invest in new large scale housing, energy, transport and digital projects”.
Of this he adds:
For the avoidance of doubt, this is not same-old, same-old socialism; it is new, radical thinking.
For which I offer my thanks. I will return the compliment: he tries harder than most to explain and offer reasoned commentary upon People’s QE, about which he then adds:
But in a world where globalisation and the free movement of capital are inescapable realities, so-called quantitative easing for people brings considerable risks. Some will see it as stupendously dangerous.
For detail on what it involves, Jeremy Corbyn prays in aid the campaigning tax analyst, Richard Murphy.
I have been called a lot of things: stupendously dangerous is, I think, a new one. So what’s Robert Peston really trying to say? He effectively does a compare and contrast between People’s QE and conventional QE. Of the latter he says:
But probably the most important point about quantitative easing as currently configured is that the debt bought by the Bank of England has to be repaid – eventually – by the Treasury.
In other words the £375bn of new money created by the Bank of England through quantitative easing will one day be withdrawn from the economy, through the repayment of debts by the government, when the economy is perceived to be strong enough.
He prudently adds:
Now it will be decades before all the £375bn is returned. And theoretically it could never be repaid, if the Bank of England simply decided to roll over maturing debts each time they are due for repayment (as it is doing at the moment).
But the important fact is that the debts still exist as a real liability of the Treasury – and that matters.
This is why he says that:
Central banks, like the Bank of England, have an extraordinary privilege and power to magic money out of nowhere. Which is another way of saying that money has no intrinsic value, and is only worth what we as a society determine it is worth. And, in the reality of global financial capitalism, it is currency traders who decide what sterling is worth, nano-second by nano-second.
So to avoid a collapse in the currency and rampant inflation, central banks have to be seen to be exercising great restraint in the creation of new money.
And, he notes:
The lore of central banks – which, rightly or wrongly, is almost universally accepted by investors – says that central banks should only look at whether there is too much or too little money in the economy in determining whether to increase or shrink the supply of money, and not at narrower economic questions such as whether there are enough roads or houses being being built in Britain.
So let me be clear, at a rather boring technical level I agree with him. Which is why I have been, and Jeremy Corbyn has also been, very keen to make clear that the Bank of England will not be investing in roads, or houses, or green energy. It would in fact be buying bonds from a National Investment Bank which would, under government direction and subject to government guarantees, engage in such investment issues. All that the Bank of England would do would buy some new forms of bond: it would not manage a single project or decide upon any investments. And as Robert Peston notes:
Probably Jeremy Corbyn and his counsellor Richard Murphy would argue that this is unduly alarmist – and that all the Bank of England would be doing would be to purchase new debt issued by energy or transport companies, presumably state-owned or state-backed, and this is surely not much different from the Bank of England’s purchases of gilts or government debt.
I just did. So spot on Robert. And, as Robert continues:
That may be right, as a matter of theory, and even – in the case of America – in practice, in that the Federal Reserve in the US has subsidised housing finance for years by purchasing colossal amounts of state-backed mortgage debt.
No, not just the USA Robert: this is also going to be true in the EU as the ECB buys €1 trillion of bonds at the rate of €60 billion a month. So definitely not that unusual, after all. And Mario Draghi and Mark Carney have both made  clear this form of QE is legal and possible. And as Robert makes clear is nowhere near as radical as some options:
What is more the former head of the Financial Services Authority, Adair Turner, has been arguing that in order to make meaningful inroads into the UK’s massive debt burden, the Bank of England should consider going one step further than quantitative easing and – in a highly prescribed way – create money to actually annul debts.
Remember, he was considered a candidate for Governor of the Bank of England and is a former head of the CBI. So whatever the hard-left is, he (along Jeremy Corbyn) is definitely not a part of it.
But still Robert has his doubts. What are they? First, there’s this:
But the dollar is still the world’s reserve currency, and the Fed can take liberties with it that are not available to the Bank of England.
But the EU is going to do it. Oh, and in a way China has also just done so in a most unwise way by buying up on a massive scale crashing securities on its stock market. So let’s leave that one aside.
And then there’s this:
Also it is very difficult to conceive of a way in which the perception – the confidence trick perhaps – of Bank of England independence could be preserved, while obliging it (to repeat Jeremy Corbyn’s words) “to invest in new large scale housing, energy, transport and digital projects”.
That’s apparently because:
Once it had those explicit objectives, investors would see it as politician’s poodle and conclude that preserving the value of sterling would be not quite the priority it has today.
Robert adds that:
Which is not that the UK would turn into hyperinflationary Zimbabwe or 1923 Germany.
But the risk of investing in sterling and the UK would be seen to have increased. And therefore the cost of finance here would rise – which would mean that there would be even less long-term productive investment here, and a British malaise correctly identified by Jeremy Corbyn would be made more acute.
And that’s where he ends. And if you like, where I really need to come in because Robert makes a number of key errors in this analysis.
First he succumbs to what Paul Krugman calls the paranoia of the ‘confidence fairy’, by which he means we must pander to the silly beliefs of the bond market or they might turn us over. My answer is simple: no they won’t. How do I know? Because despite what many people (mainly mainstream economists) said from 2009 on – which was that unless we completely trashed the economy by balancing the books by 2015 then the markets would punish us so severely we would never recover – the truth is a) we have not had inflation b) the markets have bought every penny of  debt the UK government has wanted to sell and c) base rates have stayed at 0.5%. So the markets do not behave as those who promote the confidence fairy suggest.
Second, I’d respectfully suggest that anyone who really believes that the Bank of England is really independent of the Treasury they has to first of all a) suspend their belief in democracy b) believe that Mark Carney does not heed what the Chancellor says and c) believe that running an economy without any consideration for what is really going on it is wise. I don’t think any sane economist does that (or at least, I hope not). I dealt with this here.
Third, to argue as he does Robert has to believe that people’s QE of maybe £50 billion a year (at most) is so massively influential that it does, for example, drown out the chance that the Bank could control the economy by a) politely refusing to buy more PQE bonds b) selling QE bonds at the same time as buying PQE bonds c) changing interest rates. I think all would at least theoretically be possible. If not, then Robert is already saying he does not think the Bank of England is independent and the whole confidence thing is really a myth as far as he is concerned anyway in that case.
Fourth, he ignores the fact that buying and selling bonds is not the only way to inject money into and withdraw it from an economy: tax can achieve exactly the same goal. Modern monetary theory makes clear they are substitutes for each other.
Or, in conclusion, what Robert argues is not logical from the perspective of current perceptions of Bank independence; is not logically consistent with democratic government; is not economically logical and, lastly, all comes down to paranoia about market power, which is precisely the issue to which Jeremy Corbyn will not succumb. Or, to put it another way, People’s QE can work, whether or not it is radical new thinking; all that might stop it is a fear that bankers might not like it when its whole purpose is to exclude them from a decision making process on investment where they have very clearly failed.
Those supporting Jeremy Corbyn do not share this belief that markets are right. They do not do so for good reason: it is very obviously absurd to think they are, based on sound evidence. As a result those supporters of Jeremy Corbyn are looking for political alternatives that reject that notion. People’s QE fits within that framework of alternatives and is economically sound, plausible and deliverable with the objections all coming down to a mistaken belief that central banks must be independent of democratic government and subject only to the will of bankers. Or, if you like, to a question of who governs.
Robert thinks it may be dangerous to upset bankers.
I think it will not be. What is more, I think that the time has come when they have to know that the economy is not run just in their interests.
But at least Robert Peston has had the implicit decency to make clear that this is where the frontline is on this issue. For that I am grateful.


Ref to Source

- See more at: http://www.taxresearch.org.uk/Blog/2015/08/12/robert-peston-on-peoples-qe/#sthash.0Xf8AM8y.dpuf







Wednesday, 5 August 2015

How Green Infrastructure Quantitative Easing would work



Posted on /by Richard Murphy/Tax Research UK

Via a Search I was amazed to see how much Murphy has written on QE.





I have been asked to provide an explanation of how Green Infrastructure Quantitative Easing would work as a result of the speech I made this morning to the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities. This is a summary:
Green Infrastructure Quantitative Easingi
The UK has an economic problem
In 2015 the UK is facing indisputable economic difficulties, including a below expectation tax take, the threat of a rising deficit and the spectre of deflation. That suggests that the time for a change of direction has arrived. Chancellor George Osborne should then, in his final budget of this parliament, introduce a new quantitative easing (QE) programme for this country, but with a difference.
Investment is the answer
What is needed now is a QE programme that would stimulate the economy, boost employment and tackle climate change. This could be achieved if QE funding was used to fund essential infrastructure improvements across the UK. That could increase employment, create new business opportunities, broaden the tax base and, most importantly, create the infrastructure that could be the basis for future prosperity in the UK that the government, most political parties, the private sector and trade unions all recognise that we now need.
Nothing but government investment can turn the UK economy around given that private investment is falling at present, consumers are cautious about borrowing to spend and real wages have still, for most people, not reached their 2008 levels. At the same time EU and other overseas markets look very unlikely to give the export boost that is the only other way to kick start economic activity in this country.
What has been missing to date is the mechanism to fund this essential new government investment, and Infrastructure QE provides this.
What Infrastructure QE is, and how it works
All QE works by the Bank of England buying debt issued by the government or other bodies using money that it, quite literally, creates out of thin air.
There is nothing very odd about this money creation process that the Bank of England would use. All money, barring notes and coins, is created by banks (including all those familiar names on the High Street) when they make loans. The process is very simple. When you ask for a loan from a bank you do not get given somebody else’s money, although that is the common understanding of the process. Instead the bank simply creates two accounts for you. One is a current account into which they put the money you want to spend, and the other is a loan account, which is the amount that you owe back to them.
The important point to note is that there was no money in either account before you asked for the loan, and if you immediately repaid it after the loan was granted, then there would be no new money either because both accounts would be cancelled. It’s the fact that people believe that they can spend the money in the current account that’s been created by the loan that, quite literally, means that banks can creates money out of thin air.
Between 2009 and 2012 the Bank of England used this exact mechanism to lend money to one of its own subsidiary companies (Bank of England Asset Purchase Facility Fund Limited which was, of course, eventually owned by the government) to buy back government debt to the tune of £375 billion. The purpose was solely to provide new money for use in the banking system at a time when the banks themselves were suffering reduced demand for loans that would have created the cash we needed to keep the economy going.
There was, however, one enormous side-effect of this whole process. That side effect was that the £375 billion of debt in question was effectively cancelled
The government no longer pays interest on this £375 billion of its borrowing, because to do so would mean that it would simply be paying interest to itself since the government gilts now belong to the Bank of England, which is in turn owned by the Government. That’s one clear indication that the debt no longer existed, because if it did the interest would have been due. And that is quite obviously true: whilst one part of government can obviously owe money to another part, if no one outside government is due money as a result there can be no government debt owing, and that has been the consequence of QE.
What we are suggesting now is that this programme be extended and that a new QE programme of up to £50 billion a year be created during the first years of the new parliament to provide the funding to build the infrastructure that will be our legacy to our children.
We suggest that this new programme should buy the new debt that will be issued in the form of bonds by the Green Investment Bank to fund sustainable energy, local authorities to pay for new houses, NHS trusts to build new hospitals and education authorities to build schools. This QE programme could do this just as readily as the previous programme bought central government bonds. And the result would be, in exactly the same way as government bonds were effectively cancelled by the previous QE programme the moment that they were bought by the Bank of England, that these new bonds would also effectively be cancelled as each of the bodies issuing them is part of government, and the government cannot owe itself money, as previously noted.
What would be funded?
We have already suggested some of the government and related organisations that could be funded using the Infrastructure QE programme, but we are particularly keen that the programme be used to make every building in the UK energy efficient, and, where feasible, fitted with solar panels, which would reduce energy bills and in the process tackle fuel poverty and cut greenhouse gas emissions.
The scope of this energy efficiency initiative would be huge, given that there are around 28 million dwellings and 2 million commercial and public sector buildings in the UK.ii  It has been estimated that nearly £500bn of investment in new low-carbon infrastructure is required over the next 10 years, of which £230bn will be required for energy efficiency alone.iii  A ‘Green Infrastructure QE’ programme might therefore fund £50 billion a year of investment over the next ten years unless the economy booms and other sources of funding become available.
Such an approach is, we stress, technically feasible in banking terms. Mark Carney, the Governor of the Bank of England, is on record as saying that if the government requested it then the next round of QE could be used to buy assets other than government debt.iv Indeed the Bank of England has itself said it is looking at taking on a more proactive role in tackling environmental problems. Last month it announced its new One Bank Research agenda that it would for example examine ‘what role, if any, do central banks have in addressing systemic environmental risks?’ v
All this can be done debt free
We reiterate: this whole process can be undertaken without creating new debt that will have to be repaid in future. It is instead paid for by creating new money, which is a total different process.
What we also stress is that this money creation process used is not unusual, artificial, or even novel: it is what happens every single time a bank makes a loan. All that is unusual is that we are suggesting that the funds created by the Bank of England using this process be used to buy back debt that is due by the government in one of its many forms, meaning that it is effectively cancelled.
And we also stress that this process has already been proven to work: £375 billion of debt has already been cancelled in this way.
But what about inflation?
We stress, this whole programme can only be undertaken until such time as either the UK economy is functioning at full capacity, or there is genuine full employment or there is real risk of significant wage inflation. Until these conditions exist the government can issue debt without risk of inflation despite the fact that all QE programmes print new money.
That money creation is their purpose. But that money creation is necessary at a time when the economy is under-performing because when there is a shortage of demand, or exports, or private investment in the economy (and each of these is true right now) then there is also a shortage of demand for bank borrowing, and since almost all money that we need to keep the economy going round is created by bank borrowing, too little money creation can actually create a self-fulfilling recessionary environment unless the government steps in to correct it, which is what QE does. The purpose of QE is to break that recessionary cycle by creating new money, but from the government instead of private banks. If the private banks were doing their job in creating money then we would not need QE. The fact is that they are not, and that’s why QE is essential.
In this context the fact that QE money is never cancelled, unlike the money issued by private banks, which is cancelled when loans are repaid, is also important. We need to keep QE money in the economy to ensure there is sufficient money for the economy to work. The fact that it does not need to be repaid has been confirmed by Adair Turner, the former Chairman of the Financial Services Authority has made clear that in his view money should be created this way, and not repaid.vi    
That said, we accept that if such a program continued when the economy had recovered then it could be inflationary. This cannot be denied, but at present we do not have inflation in the economy. Indeed, the risk is that because of falling oil prices and a continuing lack of any sign of real wage increases, there may be deflation in the UK economy, which is a much greater risk than inflation. So, we make very clear that we do not think that QE can be used forever for the purpose funding investment in infrastructure, but it can be so long as there is little or no real growth in the economy, and there is no risk of current inflation.
What’s the difference between this QE programme and the last one?
The QE program that was put in place between 2009 in 2012 had just one central purpose, which was to refinance provide the City of London and its banks. By and large it succeeded. Bankers bonuses continued as a result, banks were refinanced, and the money was used to boost their balance sheet by inflating house prices, the stock market and many asset prices. That was, whether the government admits it or not, the purpose of the exercise. £6,000 of money was created for every person in the UK and was largely spent on keeping our banks in business.
What we are suggesting is a smaller programme of less than £1,000 per person in the UK a year to kickstart the UK economy by investing in all those things that we would wish our children to inherit whilst creating the opportunities for everyone in every city, town, village and hamlet in the UK to undertake meaningful and appropriately paid work.
A recent IMF report ‘The Time Is Right for an Infrastructure Push’vii made the case that more public infrastructure investment is critical at present, not just in the UK, but in many countries. It made clear that its impact is strongest when there is economic slack and that, when done correctly, ‘the boost to output offsets the debt taken’. We would argue that if QE is used to fund the investment there is no debt at all, but that there will be a boost is undeniable.
This variant of the Bank of England’s original Quantitative Easing programme should kick-start the essential transition to a revitalised and greener UK economy. It could, in turn, provide enough tax revenue to enable the Government to spend more public money on other activities, as well as providing the confidence needed to unlock additional private funding from pension and insurance companies through to individual savers. Taken together, these would provide the scale of long term investment required.
But perhaps most important of all, this could create jobs in every single constituency of the United Kingdom which is why we think it should be a political imperative for all parties in the run up to next May’s election.
__________________

Technical note: how Green Infrastructure QE (GIQE) would work
GIQE always starts with debt. It may be debt issued by local authorities, or NHS trusts to replace PFI, or the Green Investment Bank, or whoever, but all will be within the state sector. Never once will there be GIQE without debt, or it would not be QE.
And that debt would, because of the requirements of the EU Lisbon Treaty, be issued to private sector banks in the first instance: that is what the law requires.
However, under a GIQE programme government would require that the Bank of England (BoE) make funding available to purchase such debt almost immediately after its issue to private banks.
It is stressed, this would not be a matter within the gift of the BoE; it would be mandated to act in this way by law. The BoE is not an agency above and beyond the law; it is just a wholly owed company controlled by the government. It can be required to do whatever the government demands and is an agency of the state just as, for example, an NHS trust is. We may like to pretend both are quasi independent bodies right now, but that’s just a charade of choice that can be stripped away if it is convenient to do so.
As a result BoE will acquire the debt issued by local authorities and others (in practice through a special purpose subsidiary created for the purpose) from the commercial banks who first bought it, which banks may, it must be said, have been its owners for a very short time. In effect they may have had them only on underwriting account. And once the debt is owned by the BoE the effective result will be that a government owned agency (the local authority etc.) will have issued debt that will be by now be wholly owned by another government authority with the money for that acquisition by the BoE special purpose vehicle used for this purpose having been created out of thin air.
But what that then means is that if the debt has, in effect, been acquired costlessly (and it will have been, because the money used to buy it, which, of course, is a sum almost exactly equivalent to the original value of the bond, was created by the BoE out of thin air) then to charge interest on it makes no sense because there was no cost to creation of that money and no debt to be serviced to pay for the cost of acquisition. This is why this arrangement is different from loans to local authorities and the like from the Public Works Loans Board, which in effect makes gilt finance available to local authorities. So, the debt interest on the loan can be waived as a result (as, it is stressed, it has been on QE gilts now) the debt instrument in the state owned authority (NHS, local authority, Green Investment Bank, etc.) takes on a wholly different, and much more exacting role because it then becomes what is, in effect, hybrid equity that appears to be issued as debt but actually behaves entirely like share capital in a private enterprise. In other words, the GIQE funds become risk bearing capital (although technically remaining as debt) to fund the types of growth we really need in the economy.
And because this debt can, like all debt that behaves like equity, have conditions attached to it, then the BoE subsidiary that owns it can also assign the right to manage that debt to a relevant government department if it was empowered to do so, meaning that the effective equity stake that GIQE could create could be brought wholly and completely under accountable control through something akin to an equity loan arrangement or the effective grant of a proxy for some aspects of management of the quasi equity interest, both of which arrangements are well known and understood corporate finance.
What it is important to say as a result is that the BoE would not control the investments, it would merely act as an intermediary.
And the investments would be under democratic control, which is key to the political acceptability of this whole arrangement.
_________________
Notes 
[i] The term ‘Green Quantitative Easing’ was first explicitly used in 2010 in http://www.financeforthefuture.com/GreenQuEasing.pdf  This concept of directing quantitative easing to fund the greening of the UK’s infrastructure was included in the Green New Deal Group’s 2013 report ‘A National Plan for the UK’ http://www.greennewdealgroup.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/Green-New-Deal-5th-Anniversary.pdf  and in the new economic foundation’s 2013 report ‘Strategic quantitative easing’ http://b.3cdn.net/nefoundation/e79789e1e31f261e95_ypm6b49z7.pdf
[ii] http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/dcp171766_373513.pdf
[iii] http://www.e3g.org/docs/Accelerating_the_transition_to_a_low_carbon_economy_The_case_for_a_Green_Infrastructure_Bank.pdf
[iv] ‘Mark Carney boosts green investment hopes’ Financial Times, March 18th, 2014
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/812f3388-aeaf-11e3-8e41-00144feab7de.html#axzz30ATJUiZ2
[v] http://ftalphaville.ft.com/2015/02/25/2120315/should-central-banks-adopt-a-green-agenda/?Authorised=falsehttp://www.bankofengland.co.uk/research/Documents/onebank/discussion.pdf
[vi] http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/8e3ec518-68cf-11e4-9eeb-00144feabdc0.html#ixzz3IjZNT6bq
[vii] http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/survey/so/2014/res093014a.htm
- See more at: http://www.taxresearch.org.uk/Blog/2015/03/12/how-green-infrastructure-quantitative-easing-would-work/#sthash.IpHzncvA.dpuf