Showing posts with label economists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label economists. Show all posts

Tuesday, 8 September 2015

Jeremy Corbyn's opposition to austerity is actually mainstream economics

Labour leadership contender Jeremy Corbyn.
Jeremy Corbyn wins correspondents’ support for voting against the £12bn in cuts in the welfare bill. Photograph: Jeff Overs/BBC/PA
The accusation is widely made that Jeremy Corbyn and his supporters have moved to the extreme left on economic policy. But this is not supported by the candidate’s statements or policies


His opposition to austerity is actually mainstream economics, even backed by the conservative IMF. He aims to boost growth and prosperity. He voted against the shameful £12bn in cuts in the welfare bill.
Despite the barrage of media coverage to the contrary, it is the current government’s policy and its objectives which are extreme. The attempt to produce a balanced public sector budget primarily through cuts to spending failed in the previous parliament. Increasing child poverty and cutting support for the most vulnerable is unjustifiable. Cutting government investment in the name of prudence is wrong because it prevents growth, innovation and productivity increases, which are all much needed by our economy, and so over time increases the debt due to lower tax receipts.
We the undersigned are not all supporters of Jeremy Corbyn. But we hope to clarify just where the “extremism” lies in the current economic debate.
Yours,
David BlanchflowerBruce V Rauner professor of economics, Dartmouth and Stirling, ex-member of the MPC
Mariana MazzucatoProfessor, Sussex
Grazia Ietto-GilliesEmeritus professor, London South Bank University
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Malcolm WalkerEmeritus professor, Leeds
Robert WadeProfessor, LSE
Michael BurkeEconomist
Steve KeenProfessor, Kingston University London
Victoria ChickEmeritus professor, UCL
Anna CooteNEF personal capacity
Ozlem OnaranProfessor, Greenwich
Andrew CumbersProfessor, Glasgow
Tina RobertsEconomist
Dr Suzanne J KonzelmannBirkbeck
Tanweer AliLecturer, New York
John WeeksProfessor, SOAS
Marco Veronese PassarellaLecturer, University of Leeds

Dr Judith HeyerEmeritus Fellow, Somerville College, Oxford
Dr Jerome De-HenauSenior lecturer, Open University
Stefano LucarelliProfessor, University of Bergamo
Paul HudsonFormerly Universität Wissemburg-Halle
Mario SeccarecciaProfessor, Ottawa
Dr Pritam SinghProfessor, Oxford Brookes
Arturo HermannSenior research fellow at Istat, Rome
Dr John RobertsBrunel
Cyrus BinaProfessor, Minnesota
Alan FreemanRetired former economist
George IrvinProfessor, SOAS
Susan PashkoffEconomist
Radhika DesaiProfessor, University of Manitoba
Diego Sánchez-AncocheaAssociate professor, University of Oxford
Guglielmo Forges DavanzatiAssociate professor, University of Salento
Jeanette FindlaySenior lecturer, Glasgow
Raphael KaplinskyEmeritus professor, Open University
John RossSocialist Economic Bulletin
Steven HailAdjunct lecturer, University of Adelaide
Louis-Philippe RochonAssociate professor, Laurentian
Hilary WainwrightEditor, Red Pepper
Arturo HermannSenior researcher, ISAE, Rome
Joshua Ryan-CollinsNEF personal capacity
James MedwayLecturer, City University
Alberto PaloniProfessor, Glasgow
Dr Mary RobertonLeeds

Wednesday, 26 March 2014

Sack the Economists!

from Geoff Davies
December 7, 2013,
Blogger Link http://www.p2pfoundation.net/Transfinancial_Economics


Non-mainstream economists are all-too aware of the failure of mainstream economists to anticipate, let alone avoid, the Global Financial Crisis and the ensuing Great Recession.  The mainstream profession is also failing to fix the problem, and is actually making it worse.
It is hard to get alternative views heard, and the mainstream carries on almost totally unperturbed, despite being centrally responsible for a global disaster.  This is of course extremely frustrating.
After reading yet another cri de coeur from yet another frustrated economist, I thought perhaps we need to spell out the message in all bluntness: we need to sack the economists (the mainstreamers).  We also need to derail their baleful ideology.  That means we need to disband the departments of neoclassical economics, so the poison is not passed on to any more hapless generations.
When I say “we”, I really mean “we, the people”.  The job can’t be done by a small band of isolated reformers.  That means people need to be informed and persuaded.  They need to be spoken to in terms they understand;  not everyone, but opinion leaders and interested laypeople, of whom there are many.
Thus was I moved to write the short ebook: Sack the Economists and Disband Their Departments.
The title may seem to be a bit confronting at first, but the book is a concisely argued case, not a rant.  The bluntness is justified by  the fundamental flaws in mainstream economic ideas.  There are not just one or two flaws, there are many.  Neither are they just obscure theoretical flaws.
For example, private debt is ignored in mainstream macroeconomic models and thinking.  It is ignored because, supposedly, “one person’s debt is another person’s asset”.  But that would only be true if loans comprise 100% savings.  They don’t of course, somewhere between 90% and 100% of a new bank loan is new money created out of nothing.  That means loans affect the money supply, the purchasing power available to the economy.  As debt rises and falls, so the economy booms and busts.  Steve Keen has been leading the way explaining and demonstrating this, for example in Debunking Economics.  This seems to be the most immediate reason why the mainstream utterly failed to foresee the 2007-8 Global Financial Crisis.
At an even more mundane level, the near-universal use of Gross Domestic Product as a measure of economic success, and by implication of quality of life, does not even qualify as basic accounting.  This is because the GDP measures “activity” involving money, but makes no distinction between useful, useless and harmful activity: the cost of cleaning up pollution is added to the GDP.  This would be like a shop keeper entering all his transactions (income and costs alike) in the credit column of his ledger, adding them up, and claiming his business is booming.
What is needed of course is a balance sheet.  It would also be helpful to separate economic, social and environmental factors.  All of these things are available, but they languish because politicians love the GDP and mainstream economists fail, collectively, to point out the falsity of using GDP as a measure of welfare.
The so-called efficient markets hypothesis is a joke.  If all financial market players made independent assessments of relevant information and their mean assessments were accurate, then there could be no market crashes.  It is well known that many market players follow trends, not fundamentals, so their assessments will not be independent.  If players assessments become correlated, in other words if they behave as a stampeding herd, then their mean assessment can be seriously in error, and subject to sudden correction.  That of course is what happens in a market crash, and every crash invalidates the hypothesis.  (Can I have my pseudo-Nobel Prize now, please?)
The central absurdity of mainstream economics is of course the neoclassical theory, and its prediction that free markets will bring about the General Equilibrium.  It is hard for a scientist like myself to conceive that this theoretical abstraction could have survived for a century or more, let alone become the dominant paradigm.  It is based on absurd assumptions, and there are many manifestations of disequilibrium in real economies that contradict its main conclusion.
Financial market crashes are obvious manifestations of disequilibrium, but so, for example, are extreme and increasing inequalities in wealth (an instability in the distribution of wealth), and the exponential growth to dominance by a few firms in many market segments (commonly due to economies of scale and the coloniser effect, both of which are excluded from the theory).
The neoclassical assumptions should disqualify it from serious consideration anyway.  We are all assumed to have complete knowledge, to be able to predict the future, to be immune to fashion, to social and psychological pressures, and so on and on.  If you drop these assumptions you predict a very different kind of system:  a far-from-equilibrium, self-organising system that probably qualifies as a complex system.  The neoclassical theory can never be even a rough first approximation to such a system.  Rather, it is completely misleading.
As well as silly assumptions, there are also important things missing from mainstream thinking.  For example, why is the pivotal role of ownership not highlighted as a dominant determinant of the flow of wealth, and responsibility?  There are many possible kinds of ownership, but our system is dominated by only a few, and they tend to favour the wealthy.  Why is social credit almost universally ignored.  This is the term often used Henry George’s followers – a modern systems term might be emergent community wealth, the wealth that accrues from the proximity of businesses, people, infrastructure, above and beyond the individual investments.  It is this wealth, that belongs to no individual entity, that is allowed to be captured by land speculators, thus facilitating one of many economic injustices.  Then there is the monetary system, perhaps the most important and most neglected economic factor of all.
Sack the Economists lists seven readily identifiable mechanisms that transfer wealth to the rich, from the rest of us.  Neoliberals rail against “wealth transfers” that attempt to re-balance the distribution of wealth, but are oblivious to copious transfers in the other direction.  This is an example of rhetoric that can be turned back on neoliberals.  Other examples given in the book are social engineering, political correctness and class warfare.
Mainstream economics is incomplete, grossly misleading and destructive.  It reflects the gross ignorance and long-term intellectual isolation of its practitioners.  It uses a lot of fancy mathematics, but this does not mean it is science.  The mathematics can’t disguise the fact that mainstream economics is not science – it is pseudo-science.
I think we need to proclaim these simple facts as widely as possible, using a few simple examples of the kind I have just mentioned.  I think it’s a waste of breath trying to argue with the true believers, theirs is not a rational discipline.  Don’t debate arcane details, there are so many bits of nonsense that you’ll tie yourself up forever and just play into their hands.  Don’t just ask for equal time with the neoclassical theory, it is a bad joke that can’t be justified in any curriculum, except as an example of deviant, non-scientific thought.  Seek to displace the neoclassical theory.
I am an outsider to economics, though one who has been exploring its thickets for fifteen years, so perhaps you’ll indulge me quoting some real economists in my support.
This book raises many interesting questions, most importantly, why does anyone take economists seriously when it comes to discussing the economy? -Dean Baker, Co-Director, Center for Economic and Policy Research, Washington D.C.
Geoff Davies has a very good idea. Economics has locked itself into an intellectual cul-de-sac.  Even its failure to anticipate the global economic crisis was not enough to force it out.  So let’s sack the economists and let real scientists take over this vital but currently dangerous discipline.Steve Keen, Economist and author of the popular book Debunking Economics
With delightful wit and insightful analogies, geophysicist Geoff Davies dissects the inconsistencies — and the inanities — of mainstream economics. … In the end, Sack the Economists helps us understand, plutocracy never works — and neither does an economics that refuses to discomfort our plutocrats.Sam Pizzigati, Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C., and author of The Rich Don’t Always Win. Source Reference of Article Real-World Economics Review Blog
SackMock-Up4

Monday, 25 November 2013

Hazel Henderson, and the Transfinancial Economics Connection


Hazel Henderson,


From: robert searle <dharao4@yahoo.co.uk>
To: discussion@globaljusticemovement.net
Sent: Tuesday, 27 January 2009, 12:56
Subject: [GJM] Release of Brief Hazel Henderson Post.



--- On Sat, 24/1/09, M Alan Kazlev <alankazlev@ihug.com.au> wrote:
From: M Alan Kazlev <alankazlev@ihug.com.au>
Subject: FW: Transfinancial Economics
To: "robert searle" <dharao4@yahoo.co.uk>
Date: Saturday, 24 January, 2009, 7:54 AM

hi Robert just forwarding this on... all the best alan
Thread-Topic: Transfinancial Economics
Thread-Index: Acl8n7n8oOg2CZ+wSg68uYcHGw2KkgAABYCg
From: "Hazel Henderson" <hhlibry@hazelhenderson.com>
To: <alankazlev@ihug.com.au>


Hi Robert Searle;

I am also a Brit , grew up in Bristol and Clevedon . Now as US citizen grateful for our new president

One of my friends, John Theaker , of Green Your Office.co.uk in London sent me your paper on Transfinancial Economics . It is in alignment with much of my own writing ( see the homepage at http://www.ethicalmarkets.com/ and http://www.hazelhenderson.com/ , click on Editorials and The Politics of Money.

The current financial mess is a new “ teachable moment “ on the true nature of money !


Warm wishes,

Hazel Henderson
HAZEL HENDERSON, D.Sc.Hon., FRSA, author, futurist, president - Ethical Markets Media, LLC Ethical Markets: Growing the Green Economy has won a 2007 Nautilus Award for Conscious Business/Leadership and a 2008 Axiom Award for best business book. Visit www.EthicalMarkets.com, www.EthicalMarkets.tv, www.hazelhenderson.com and www.calvert-henderson.com for the latest information on socially responsible investing, green technologies and global corporate citizenship.

Ethical Markets Media, LLC; PO Box 5190, St. Augustine, FL 32085; Phone: 904/829-3140, Fax: 904/826-0325




 
In later communication which did not appear on a GJM discussion post she wrote to Michel Bauwens, and myself (the blogger).


 Michel
On Thu, Jul 14, 2011 at 9:43 PM, Hazel Henderson <hazel.henderson@ethicalmarkets.com> wrote:
Dear Robert Searle and Hi Michel :
I have been following Robert’s creative work on Transfinancial Economics with great interest.
Michel : thanks for publishing this work and for all you do to keep us abreast of this kind of futures research.. AND, special thanks for your very kind endorsement of our GREEN TRANSITION SCOREBOARD® ! I have just finished an invitational paper, “ LOOKING BACK FROM 2020 “ for one of our upcoming conferences of pioneer asset managers . Also , my “ From Rigged Carbon Markets to Green Investing “ was posted yesterday ( under “ Potemkin Markets “ my original title ) by the Network for Sustainable Financial Markets , of which our company is a member. If you want to distribute it on P2P , this is OK if you mention that it will appear in FORESIGHT ( U.K) forthcoming.
Robert : I very much agree with your ethical approach, goals and values and for the intricate modeling on how all this might be implemented in a national level electronic payments and transfers system. I have all the old Technocracy documents on BTU-based currencies and the Venus Project is, near here in Florida and I remember being visited by its founder, Jacque Fresco, some years ago. At that time I was writing The Politics of the Solar Age ( Doubleday, 1981, 1988 ) and working with Louis and Patricia Kelso on ESOPs , Norman Kurland, as well as Mike Linton founder of LETS and Edgar Cahn founder of Time Banking , while teaching at Schumacher College in Devon. I found the Venus Project too technocratic for my taste , but very creative and he has stuck with it ! ........
 
 
The following is a Wikipedia entry on Hazel, and could do with some expanding..
 
 
 
 
 
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Hazel Henderson (born March 27, 1933 in Bristol, England) is a futurist and an economic iconoclast. In recent years she has worked in television, and she is the author of several books including Building A Win-Win World, Beyond Globalization, Planetary Citizenship (with Daisaku Ikeda), and Ethical Markets: Growing the Green Economy.


Career[edit]

Henderson is now a television producer for the public television series Ethical Markets. She has been Regent's Lecturer at the University of California (Santa Barbara) and held the Horace Albright Chair in Conservation at the University of California (Berkeley). She has also been a traveling lecturer and panelist. Recently, she has served on the boards of such publications as Futures Research Quarterly, The State of the Future Report, and E/The Environmental Magazine (US), Resurgence, Foresight and Futures (UK). She advised the US Office of Technology Assessment and the National Science Foundation from 1974 to 1980. Listed in Who's Who in the World, Who's Who in Science and Technology, and in Who's Who in Business and Finance.
Henderson has been in good part concerned with finding the unexplored areas in standard economics and the "blind spots" of conventional economists. Most of her work relates to the creation of an interdisciplinary economic and political theory with a focus on environmental and social concerns. For instance, she has delved into the area of the "value" of such unquantifiables as clean air and clean water, needed in tremendous abundance by humans and other living organisms. This work led to the development, with Calvert Group, of the Calvert-Henderson Quality of Life Indicators.
In 2005, Henderson started Ethical Markets Media, LLC,[1] to disseminate information on green investing, socially responsible investing, green business, green energy, business ethics news, environmentally friendly technology, good corporate citizenship and sustainable development by making available reports, articles, newsletters and video gathered from around the world.
In 2007, Henderson started EthicalMarkets.TV [2] to showcase video of people and organizations around the world with socially responsible endeavors. Practicing what she preaches, Henderson sought out highly efficient technology to stream the video, MIPBSCast which uses significantly less energy than most other video platforms.

Ontology[edit]

Henderson has been one of the critics to point out that the definitions of reality devised by natural and social scientists often pertain to the realities they are paid to study — raising questions as to who has funded these investigators and theoreticians, and why? Who deems certain research grants to be worthy of funding? Which questions crop up in the first place?
Henderson believes that the various threats to peace, community security, and good environment have led us into a new era in which we are obliged to look for values, information, and know-how that we seemed to be able to do without until recent decades.
One of her famous aphorism compare the occidental economic model to a cake with three level, with glass on the top: the first level is the nature, the second level is the sussistance economy, the third level is the public and private economy and the last level is the finance.

Books[edit]

  • Ethical Markets: Growing the Green Economy, Chelsea Green Publishing, 2006, ISBN 978-1-933392-23-3
  • Daisaku Ikeda coauthor, Planetary Citizenship, Middleway Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0-9723267-2-8, 256 pgs
  • Hazel Henderson et al., Calvert-Henderson Quality of Life Indicators, Calvert Group, 2000, ISBN 978-0-9676891-0-4, 392 pgs
  • Beyond Globalization. Kumarian Press, 1999, ISBN 978-1-56549-107-6, 88 pgs
  • Building a Win-Win World. Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 1995, ISBN 978-1-57675-027-8, 320 pgs
  • Creating Alternative Futures. Kumarian Press, 1996, ISBN 978-1-56549-060-4, 430 pgs (original edition, Berkley Books, NY, 1978)
  • Hazel Henderson et al., The United Nations: Policy and Financing Alternatives. Global Commission to Fund the United Nations, 1995, ISBN 978-0-9650589-0-2, 269 pgs
  • Paradigms in Progress. Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 1995, ISBN 978-1-881052-74-6, 293 pgs (original edition, Knowledge Systems, 1991)
  • Redefining Wealth and Progress: New Ways to Measure Economic, Social, and Environmental Change : The Caracas Report on Alternative Development Indicators. Knowledge Systems Inc., 1990, ISBN 978-0-942850-24-6, 99 pgs
  • The Politics of the Solar Age. Knowledge Systems Inc., 1988, ISBN 978-0-941705-06-6, 433 pgs (original edition, Doubleday, NY, 1981

See also[edit]

External links[edit]

 
 
 
 
 
 

Friday, 5 July 2013

Economists Are (Still) Clueless


By John Mauldin | Jun 15, 2013 / The Economist

 
The Revenge of Minksy Moment.


 
Economists set themselves too easy, too useless a task if in tempestuous seasons they can only tell us that when the storm is past the ocean is flat again.
- John Maynard Keynes, A Tract on Monetary Reform
There can be few fields of human endeavor in which history counts for so little as in the world of finance. Past experience, to the extent that it is part of memory at all, is dismissed as the primitive refuge of those who do not have insight to appreciate the incredible wonders of the present.
- John Kenneth Galbraith
Hitler must have been rather loosely educated, not having learned the lesson of Napoleon's autumn advance on Moscow.
- Sir Winston Churchill
Economists Are (Still) Clueless
In November of 2008, as stock markets crashed around the world, the Queen of England visited the London School of Economics to open the New Academic Building. While she was there, she listened in on academic lectures. The Queen, who studiously avoids controversy and almost never lets people know what she's actually thinking, finally asked a simple question about the financial crisis: "How come nobody could foresee it?" No one could answer her.
If you've suspected all along that economists are useless at the job of forecasting, you would be right. Dozens of studies show that economists are completely incapable of forecasting recessions. But forget forecasting. What's worse is that they fail miserably even at understanding where the economy is today. In one of the broadest studies of whether economists can predict recessions and financial crises, Prakash Loungani of the International Monetary Fund wrote very starkly, "The record of failure to predict recessions is virtually unblemished." He found this to be true not only for official organizations like the IMF, the World Bank, and government agencies but for private forecasters as well. They're all terrible. Loungani concluded that the "inability to predict recessions is a ubiquitous feature of growth forecasts." Most economists were not even able to recognize recessions once they had already started.
In plain English, economists don't have a clue about the future.
If you think the Fed or government agencies know what is going on with the economy, you're mistaken. Government economists are about as useful as a screen door on a submarine. Their mistakes and failures are so spectacular you couldn't make them up if you tried. Yet now, in a post-crisis world, we trust the same people to know where the economy is, where it is going, and how to manage monetary policy.
Central banks say they will know the right time to end the current policies of quantitative easing and financial repression and when to shrink the bloated monetary base. However, given their record at forecasting, how will they know? The Federal Reserve not only failed to predict the recessions of 1990, 2001, and 2007, it also didn't even recognize them after they had already begun. Financial crises frequently happen because central banks cut interest rates too late and hike rates too soon.
Trusting central bankers now is a big bet that (1) they'll know what to do, (2) they'll know when to do it. Sadly, given the track record, that is not a good wager. Unfortunately, the problem is not that economists are simply bad at what they do; it's that they're really, really bad. They're so bad that it cannot even be a matter of chance. The statistician Nate Silver points this out in his book The Signal and the Noise:
Indeed, economists have for a long time been much too confident in their ability to predict the direction of the economy. If economists' forecasts were as accurate as they claimed, we'd expect the actual value for GDP to fall within their prediction interval nine times out of ten, or all but about twice in eighteen years.
In fact, the actual value for GDP fell outside the economists' prediction interval six times in eighteen years, or fully one-third of the time. Another study, which ran these numbers back to the beginning of the Survey of Professional Forecasters in 1968, found even worse results: the actual figure for GDP fell outside the prediction interval almost half the time. There is almost no chance that economists have simply been unlucky; they fundamentally overstate the reliability of their predictions.
So economists are not only generally wrong, they're overly confident in their bad forecasts.
If economists were merely wrong at betting on horse races, their failure would be amusing. But central bankers have the power to create money, change interest rates, and affect our lives in multiple ways – and they don't have a clue.
Despite this, they remain perennially confident. There's no overestimating the hubris of central bankers. On 60 Minutes in December, 2010, Scott Pelley interviewed Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke and asked him whether he would be able to do the right thing at the right time. The exchange was startling (at least to us):
Pelley: Can you act quickly enough to prevent inflation from getting out of control?
Bernanke: We could raise interest rates in 15 minutes if we have to. So, there really is no problem with raising rates, tightening monetary policy, slowing the economy, reducing inflation, at the appropriate time. Now, that time is not now.
Pelley: You have what degree of confidence in your ability to control this?
Bernanke: One hundred percent.
There you have it. Bernanke was not 95% confident, he was not 99% confident – no, he had zero doubts about his ability to know what is going on in the economy and what to do about it. We would love to have that sort of certainty about anything in life.
We're not just picking on Bernanke; we're picking on all central bankers who think they're infallible. The Bank of England has had by far the largest QE program relative to the size of its economy (though the Bank of Japan is about to show it a thing or two). It also has the worst forecasting track record of any bank, and the worst record on inflation. Sir Mervyn King, the head of the Bank of England, was asked if it would be difficult to withdraw QE. He very confidently replied, "I have absolutely no doubt that when the time comes for us to reduce the size of our balance sheet that we'll find that a whole lot easier than we did when expanding it." (Are central bankers just naturally more overconfident than regular human beings, or are they smoking some powerful stuff at their meetings?)
Let's see whether this sort of absolute certainty is in any way warranted.
In his book Future Babble, Dan Gardner writes that economists are treated with the reverence the ancient Greeks bestowed on the Oracle of Delphi. But unlike the vague pronouncements from Delphi, economists' predictions can be checked against the future, and as Gardner says, "Anyone who does that will quickly conclude that economists make lousy soothsayers."
The nearsightedness of economists is nothing new. In 1994 Paul Ormerod wrote a book called The Death of Economics. He pointed to economists' failure to forecast the Japanese recession after their bubble burst in 1989 or to foresee the collapse of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992. Ormerod was scathing in his assessment of economists: "The ability of orthodox economics to understand the workings of the economy at the overall level is manifestly weak (some would say it was entirely non-existent)."
When most people think of economic forecasts, they almost always think of recessions, while economists think of forecasting growth rates or interest rates. But the average man in the street only wants to know, "Will we be in a recession soon?" And if the economy is actually in a recession he wants to know, "When will it end?" The reason he cares is that he knows recessions mean job cuts and firings.
Recessions lead to falls in GDP and spikes in the unemployment rate:
Unfortunately, economists are of little use to the man in the street. If you look at the history of the last three recessions in the United States, you will see that the inability of economists and central bankers to understand the state of the economy was so bad that you might be tempted to say they couldn't find their derrieres with both hands.
Economists have yet to corrrectly call a recession:
Let's remind ourselves what a recession is and how economists decide that one has started. A recession is a downturn in economic activity. Normally, a recession means unemployment goes up, GDP contracts, stock prices fall, and the economy weakens. The lofty body that decides when a recession has started or ended is the Business Cycle Dating Committee of the National Bureau of Economic Research. It is packed with eminent economists – all extremely smart people. Unfortunately, their pronouncements are completely unusable in real time. Their dating of recessions is authoritative and more or less accurate, but this exercise in hindsight comes long after a recession has started or ended.
To give you an idea just how late recessions are officially called, let's look at the past three. The NBER dated the 1990-91 recession as beginning in August 1990 and ending in March 1991. It announced these facts in April 1991, by which time the recession was already over and the economy was growing again. The NBER was no faster at catching up with the recession that followed the dotcom bust. It wasn't until June 2003 that the NBER pinpointed the start of the 2001 recession – a full 28 months after the recession ended. The NBER didn't date the recession that started in December 2007 until exactly one year later. By that time, Lehman had gone bust, and the world was engulfed in the biggest financial cataclysm since the Great Depression.
The Federal Reserve and private economists also missed the onset of the last three US recessions – even after they had started. Let's look quickly at each one.
Starting with the 1990-91 recession, let's see what the head of the Federal Reserve – the man who is charged with running American monetary policy – was saying at the time. That recession started in August 1990, but one month before it began Alan Greenspan said, "In the very near term there's little evidence that I can see to suggest the economy is tilting over [into recession]." The following month – the month the recession actually started – he continued on the same theme: "... those who argue that we are already in a recession I think are reasonably certain to be wrong." He was just as clueless two months later, in October 1990, when he persisted, "... the economy has not yet slipped into recession." It was only near the end of the recession that Greenspan came around to accepting that it had begun.
The Federal Reserve did no better in the dotcom bust. Let's look at the facts. The recession started in March 2001. The tech-heavy NASDAQ Index had already fallen 50% in a full-scale bust. Even so, Chairman Greenspan declared before the Economic Club of New York on May 24, 2001, "Moreover, with all our concerns about the next several quarters, there is still, in my judgment, ample evidence that we are experiencing only a pause in the investment in a broad set of innovations that has elevated the underlying growth rate in productivity to a level significantly above that of the two decades preceding 1995."
Charles Morris, a retired banker and financial writer, looked at a decade's worth of forecasts by the professionals at the White House's Council of Economic Advisers, the crème de la crème of academic economists. In 2000, the council raised their growth estimates just in time for the dot-com bust and the recession of 2001-02. And in a survey in March 2001, 95% of American economists said there would not be a recession. (John forecast it in September 2000 in this letter). The recession had already started that March, and the signs of contraction were evident. Industrial production had already been contracting for five months.
You would have thought that failure to forecast two recessions in a row might have sharpened the wits of the Federal Reserve, the Council of Economic Advisers, and private economists. Maybe they would have tried to improve their methods or figured out why they had failed so miserably. You would be wrong. Because along came the Great Recession, and once again they completely missed the boat.
The Revenge of the Minsky Moment
Let's look at what the Fed was doing as the world was about to go up in flames in 2008. Recently, complete minutes of the Fed's October 2007 meeting were released. Keep in mind that the recession started two months later, in December. The word recession does not appear once in the entire transcript.
It gets worse. The month the recession started, the Federal Reserve was all optimistic laughter. Dr. David Stockton, the Federal Reserve chief economist, presented his views to Chairman Bernanke and the meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee on December 11, 2007. When you read the following quote, remember that, at the time, the Fed was already providing ample liquidity to the shadow banking system after dozens of subprime lenders had gone bust in the spring, the British bank Northern Rock had been nationalized and had spooked the European banking system, dozens of money market funds had been shut due to toxic assets, credit spreads were widening, stock prices had started to fall, and almost all the classic signs of a recession were evident. These included an inverted yield curve, which had received the casual attention of New York Fed economists even as it screamed recession. (John had pointed to it numerous times here in Thoughts from the Frontline.)
Read these words of the Fed's Chief Economist and weep. You can't make this stuff up:
Overall, our forecast could admittedly be read as still painting a pretty benign picture: Despite all the financial turmoil, the economy avoids recession and, even with steeply higher prices for food and energy and a lower exchange value of the dollar, we achieve some modest edging-off of inflation. So I tried not to take it personally when I received a notice the other day that the Board had approved more frequent drug-testing for certain members of the senior staff, myself included. [Laughter]
I can assure you, however, that the staff is not going to fall back on the increasingly popular celebrity excuse that we were under the influence of mind-altering chemicals and thus should not be held responsible for this forecast. No, we came up with this projection unimpaired and on nothing stronger than many late nights of diet Pepsi and vending-machine Twinkies.
All other government economists were equally awful. The President's Council of Economic Advisers' 2008 forecast saw positive growth for the first half of the year and foresaw a strong recovery in the second half. Note the date on the cartoon below: May 28, 2008!
Unfortunately, private-sector economists didn't do much better. With very few exceptions, they failed to foresee the financial and economic meltdown of 2008. Economists polled in the Survey of Professional Forecasters also failed to see a recession developing. They forecasted a slightly below -average growth rate of 2.4 percent for 2008, and they thought there was almost no chance of a recession as severe as the one that actually unfolded. In December 2007 a Businessweek survey showed that every single one of 54 economists surveyed actually predicted that the US economy would avoid a recession in 2008. The experts were unanimous that unemployment wouldn't be a problem, leading to the consensus conclusion that 2008 would be a good year.
As Nate Silver has pointed out, the worst thing about the bad predictions isn't that they were awful; it's that the economists in question were so confident in them. Now, this was a very bad forecast: far from growing by 2.4%, GDP actually shrank by 3.3% once the financial crisis hit. Yet these economists assigned only a 3% chance to the economy's shrinking by any margin at all over the whole of 2008, and they gave it only about a 1-in-500 chance of shrinking by 2 percent, as it did.
It is one thing to be wrong; it is quite another to be consistently and confidently and egregiously wrong.
As the global financial meltdown unfolded, Chairman Bernanke, too, continued to believe that the US would avoid a recession. Mind you, the recession had started in December 2007, yet in January '08 Bernanke told the press, "The Federal Reserve is not currently forecasting a recession." Even after banks like Bear Stearns needed to be rescued, Bernanke continued seeing rainbows and candy-colored elves ahead for the US economy. He declared on June 9, 2008, "The risk that the economy has entered a substantial downturn appears to have diminished over the past month or so." At that stage, the economy had already been in a recession for the past six months!
Why do people listen to economists anymore? Scott Armstrong, an expert on forecasting at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, has developed a "seer-sucker" theory: "No matter how much evidence exists that seers do not exist, suckers will pay for the existence of seers." Even if experts fail repeatedly in their predictions, most people prefer to have seers, prophets, and gurus tell them something – anything at all – about the future.
So, we have cataloged the incredible failures of economists to predict the future or even to understand the present. Now think of the vast powers Fed economists have to print money and move interest rates. When you contemplate the consummate skill that would actually be required to manage post-Great Recession policies, you realize they're really just flying blind. If that reality doesn't scare the living daylights out of you, you're not paying attention.
The longer the Federal Reserve sticks to its current policy, the more likely that policy will end in tears. Call it the Revenge of the Minsky Moment.




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Wednesday, 3 April 2013

Commons-Oriented Economists

 

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This is a cleaner version, for more names see the Commons-Oriented Economists Draft Version

Contents

 [hide

Introduction

In October/November 2010, the Commons Strategies Group, consisting of David Bollier, Silke Helfrich, Bea Busaniche and myself (Michel Bauwens, under the auspices and with support of the Heinrich Boll Foundation, organized the Berlin Commons Conference, which brought together representatives of physical and digital commons under the shared topic of 'commons-oriented policy-making'.
For 2013, CSG is proposing to organize a follow-up conference, this time on commons-oriented economists.
Below is some preparatory material.
A useful warning from Marco Berlinguer:
"a commons approach to economy implies a redefinition of what is economy, what is value and a radical re-discussion about the measures (and the structures of power) which are embedded in the capitalistic money codes. And therefore economists as such aren't sufficient to cover all the implications."
For more about the CSG proposal, see: Proposal for a Conference on Commons-Oriented Economics

Introduction and Themes

  • macro-economic conceptions: how does a commons orientation fits in today's economic approaches
  • economy of the physical commons: what can we learn about the governance and economics of local physical commons
  • the economy of digital common: what can we learn from the economics governing digital commons
  • money and funding as a commons: from local credit commons to transnational monetary reform
  • solving the biospheric crisis: preserving and protecting the natural commons

Steering Committee

  1. Land and Nature: Saki Bailey (Italy)
  2. Money & Value: Ludwig Schuster (Germany)
  3. Labor: Heike Löschmann (Germany)
  4. Culture, Science & Knowledge: Mike Linksvayer (US)
  5. Infrastructure: Miguel Said Vieira (Brazil)
  6. Life, Meaning & Spirituality: Andreas Weber (Germany)

Consolidated Draft List of Commons-Oriented Economist per stream

Land and Nature

Responsible for stream: Saki Bailey (Italy)
Recommended:
  • Josh Farley, U. of Vermont (ecological economics, community development)

See also:
  1. James Boyce, UMass Amherst (ecological economics)
  2. Herman Daly, steady-state economics
  3. Peter Söderbaum - important "green economist,
  4. Peter Barnes [1], Pt. Reyes Station, California (former entrepreneur; commons; Sky Trust) *
Names mentioned by Saki Bailey:
  1. Joshua Farley (could also be in Andrea's stream?)
  2. Carol Rose
  3. Anne Le Strat (Paris water)
  4. Ruanda Forest Management
  5. Elizabeth Peredo, Bolivia Fundación Solon ; <elyperedo@gmail.com>, has been participating in LA Deep Dive

Money & Value

Responsible for stream: Ludwig Schuster (Germany)
See also:
  1. Jem Bendell (good speaker on money, can only arrive 23 in the afternoon)
  2. Ellen Brown, reforming finance
  3. Chris Cook, Open Capital approach
  4. Thomas Greco, instituting Credit Commons
  5. Hazel Henderson, Ethical Markets
  6. Mellor, Mary ( 2010). The Future of Money, Pluto Press.
  7. David Hales; Towards a Quality Financial Commons?
  8. Adrian Wrigley on Land-Based Money: Adrian Wrigley discusses a way to ensure both money supply and land values are kept in the public domain.
  9. Luigi Doria and Luca Fantacci (see [2]
  10. Marc Gauvin [BIBO]
  11. Bill Maurer at UC-Irvine on payments systems as commons/public good
  12. Stephen Belgin und Bernard Lietaer
  13. Eli Gothill, young currency reform expert

Labor

Responsible for stream: Heike Löschmann (Germany)
Suggested keynote for labor and care: Adelheid Biesecker
  • Orsan Senalp, TNI, social network unionism, works on labor - commons relation, from occupy/indignados network
  • Allen Butcher has done detailed studies on "community economics" and labor allocation methods
See also:
  1. Jaroslav Vanek, labour cooperative economics, Jaroslav_Vanek_on_Cooperative_Economics

Recommended by George Papanikolau:
"About commons oriented economists my proposal (in fact I should rather say a very strong recommendation) is Petros Linardos Rylmon working in the institute of the General confederation of Greek workers and in Nikos Poulantza's foundation. He has written books on knowledge communities and he is enthusiast about the commons (has discovered them relatively lately). He is also involved in SYRIZA's alternative economy team. I think it is a very good choice which will help spread the word inside the Greek left (David maybe is not familiar with the peculiarities of the Greek politics)."

Culture, Science & Knowledge

Responsible for stream: Mike Linksvayer (US)
Discussed:
  1. Charlotte Hess
  2. Mayo Fuster
  3. Rick Falkvinge, Pirate Party
  4. Beatriz Busaniche
  5. Glyn Moody,
  6. Amelia Anderscogger, Sweden, MP, Pirate Party
  7. Mako Hill
  8. Carolina Botero, Colombia
  9. Adriana Sanchez, Costa Rica
  10. Bernardo Tuitterez, Spain
  11. Prabir Pukayastha
  12. Lawrence Liang
  13. Jaromil

Infrastructure

Responsible for stream: Miguel Said Vieira (Brazil)
  • Kevin Carson, mutualist economics centered around distributed manufacturing
  • Timothy Moss; author of 2 works on urban and water multi-governance

Life, Meaning & Spirituality

Responsible for stream: Andreas Weber (Germany)
  • Dana Klisanin: as an Advisor to the AwareGuide, an on-line guide to transformational media. Together with a growing network of "evolutionaries" and integral visionaries, she is helping to define a culture of thought that uses media as an instrument of spiritual awakening and world transformation. Dana is currently writing a book on digital altruism and the cyberhero archetype;
  • Charlene Spretnak, author of Relational Reality; "Ms. Spretnak's eighth book, Relational Reality: New Discoveries of Interrelatedness That Are Transforming the Modern World was published in 2011. Noting that our hypermodern societies, currently possess only a kindergarten understanding of the deeply relational nature of reality, she illuminates the coherence of numerous recent discoveries that are moving the relational worldview from the margins into the mainstream. The central realization, with myriad manifestations, is that all entities in this world, including humans, are thoroughly relational beings of great complexity who are both composed of and nested within contextual networks of creative, dynamic interrelationships. Nothing exists outside of those relationships."

List provided by Andreas Weber:
Kalevi Kull, Kalevi Kull, kalevi.kull@ut.ee, philosopher, biosemiotician, University of Tartu, Estonia, http://www.zbi.ee/~kalevi/
Lewis Hyde, hyde@kenyon.edu, poet, writer, philosopher, major theoretician on poetics of the gift, US, http://www.lewishyde.com/
Claire Petitmengin, Claire.Petitmengin@polytechnique.edu, cognitive researcher, phenomenologist, buddhist scholar, Institut Télécom, Evry (Paris), http://claire.petitmengin.free.fr/topic/index.html,
Jon Young, E-Mail, bird tracker, naturalist, nature mentor, founder of indian-tradition inspired coyote teaching and wilderness awareness school, US, http://jonyoung.org/
Geseko von Luepke, v.Luepke@geseko.de, deep ecologist, journalist and book author, http://www.tiefenoekologie.de/de/menschen/dr-geseko-von-luepke.html
Bill McKibben, mckibben.bill@gmail.com, sustainability journalist and book author, US
Arthur Zajonc, E-Mail, physicist, spiritual researcher, president of the Mind & Life institute, US, http://www.arthurzajonc.org

Recommended Generalist Commons Economists

Sources

Where to find list of names:
  • Participants in the workshops:
  1. Asia Commons Deep Dive
  2. Europe Commons Deep Dive
  3. Latin America Commons Deep Dive

Master List in Alphabetical Order

M

  1. Timothy Moss

Friday, 4 January 2013

Andy Haldane asks: What have the economists ever done for us?

Andy Haldane asks: What have the economists ever done for us?

 
 
What makes a good model?


This question is at the heart of Andy Haldane’s recent article for VoxEU titled “What have the economists ever done for us?” (posted below).
If making a good model is about suppressing the things that don’t matter while focusing on what’s important, then Haldane is surely right that the omission of money and credit systems was a tremendous mistake at a time when financial-sector profits accounted for 40% of all corporate profits in the United States, as they did in 2007. The conventional economic models, as Haldane correctly points out, have missed the capacity for bubbles, booms, and busts that have a tremendous impact on the economy.
Another big part of the problem in financial modeling is the assumption of equilibrium conditions and stable expectations. These assumptions are hallmarks of the DSGE model Haldane singles out for criticism, as well as other similar approaches.
These models operate under the assumption that through the magic of backward induction we can derive stable conditions today by assuming stability at some point infinitely far in the future. But anyone who’s studied the works and writings of our most successful financiers – such as Seth Klarman, Bernard Baruch, George Soros, Warren Buffet, and others – should know that uncertainty is the defining challenge for those who succeed in the investment world. Simply put, if you’re in the business of predicting rational and stable outcomes in the financial system, then you’re not in the investment business.
The truth of these thinkers’ insights, and of those from economists such as Keynes, Hayek, and Frank Knight, whose work focused on “radical uncertainty,” is evident by a simple look at the data. Robert Schiller has shown that roughly 18% of the variance in financial market volatility can be explained by shifts in fundamentals. Clearly, expectations surrounding financial decisions are anything but stable.
And one need not look far for historical evidence of the consequences of the illusion of false certainty these models assume. Indeed, much of the bad economic thinking that led to razor-thin safety margins and contributed mightily to the financial collapse that started in 2007 was plagued by these faulty assumptions, the cost of which can be measured in trillions, if not tens of trillions, of dollars.
The instability of the present and of people’s expectation reinforces Haldane’s second concern that these very delicate and fragile financial institutions are part of a complex system that can lead non-linear outcomes like contagion that amplify instability very quickly. The recognition of the financial system’s inherent instability only serves to underline the need to provide greater buffers against risk to prevent the kind of sudden systemic collapse we faced in 2008.
The models that have ignored this fragileness and instability lost sight of the economist’s real mission: helping to create a more effective and robust economy in the service of society. Economists instead became too enamored of the assumptions in their own models and lost sight of the texture of a real-world financial sector that was becoming increasing difficult to navigate.
Haldane calls for cross-pollination with other disciplines that could provide greater context to the narrow technical expertise of economics and help economics understand how complex systems like our financial sector function. This is a development that INET supports and is helping to realize.
These developments will help return economic insight to serving the needs of society and not making a fetish of highly abstract technical models. It is for this reason that I look forward to new and exciting work, such as the forthcoming study from Anat Admati and Martin Hellwig on the proper construction of a financial system. In their eyes, the social benefit of much greater capital buffers would create a system that helps soften contagion and where the people who pay for risks are those that take the losses.
As both a policy maker at the Bank of England and intellectual leader in the field, Haldane is a vanguard thinker in the area of finance. His thoughts on the failure of finance are well worth listening to.
His question, “What have economists done for us?” is a good one, and one that economists need address. They have too often lost sight of it in favor of more abstract questions that have little relevance to the real world.
For more insight from this brilliant thinker, I would further encourage you to read Haldane’s other recent post on VoxEU called “What is the contribution of the financial sector?”.
Rob Johnson - INET Executive Director
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What have the economists ever done for us?Andrew G Haldane, 1 October 2012
There is a long list of culprits when it comes to assigning blame for the financial crisis. This column argues economists are among the guilty, having succumbed to an intellectual virus of theory-induced blindness. It adds this calls for an intellectual reinvestment in models of heterogeneous, interacting agents, following in the footsteps of other social scientists. This will require a sense of academic adventure sadly absent in the pre-crisis period.
This column is a lead commentary in the VoxEU Debate "What's the use of economics?"
There is a long list of culprits when it comes to assigning blame for the financial crisis. At least in this instance, failure has just as many parents as success. But among the guilty parties, economists played a special role in contributing to the problem. We are duty bound to be part of the solution (see Coyle 2012). Our role in the crisis was, in a nutshell, the result of succumbing to an intellectual virus which took hold of the body financial from the 1990s onwards.
One strain of this virus is an old one. Cycles in money and bank credit are familiar from centuries past. And yet, for perhaps a generation, the symptoms of this old virus were left untreated. That neglect allowed the infection to spread from the financial system to the real economy, with near-fatal consequences for both.
In many ways, this was an odd disease to have contracted. The symptoms should have been all too obvious from history. The interplay of bank money and credit and the wider economy has been pivotal to the mandate of central banks for centuries. For at least a century, that was recognised in the design of public policy frameworks. The management of bank money and credit was a clear public policy prerequisite for maintaining broader macroeconomic and social stability.
Two developments – one academic, one policy-related – appear to have been responsible for this surprising memory loss. The first was the emergence of micro-founded dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DGSE) models in economics. Because these models were built on real-business-cycle foundations, financial factors (asset prices, money and credit) played distinctly second fiddle, if they played a role at all.
The second was an accompaying neglect for aggregate money and credit conditions in the construction of public policy frameworks. Inflation targeting assumed primacy as a monetary policy framework, with little role for commercial banks' balance sheets as either an end or an intermediate objective. And regulation of financial firms was in many cases taken out of the hands of central banks and delegated to separate supervisory agencies with an institution-specific, non-monetary focus.
Coincidentally or not, what happened next was extraordinary. Commercial banks' balance sheets grew by the largest amount in human history. For example, having flatlined for a century, bank assets-to-GDP in the UK rose by an order of magnitude from 1970 onwards. A similar pattern was found in other advanced economies.
This balance sheet explosion was, in one sense, no one’s fault and no one’s responsibility. Not monetary policy authorities, whose focus was now inflation and whose models scarcely permitted bank balance sheets a walk-on role. And not financial regulators, whose focus was on the strength of individual financial institutions.
Yet this policy neglect has since shown itself to be far from benign. The lessons of financial history have been painfully re-taught since 2008. They need not be forgotten again. This has important implications for the economics profession and for the teaching of economics. For one, it underscores the importance of sub-disciplines such as economic and financial history. As Galbraith said,"There can be few fields of human endeavour in which history counts for so little as in the world of finance." Economics can ill afford to re-commit that crime.
Second, it underlines the importance of reinstating money, credit and banking in the core curriculum, as well as refocusing on models of the interplay between economic and financial systems. These are areas that also fell out of fashion during the pre-crisis boom.
Third, the crisis showed that institutions really matter, be it commercial banks or central banks, when making sense of crises, their genesis and aftermath. They too were conveniently, but irresponsibly, airbrushed out of workhorse models. They now needed to be repainted back in.
The second strain of intellectual virus is a new, more virulent one. This has been made dangerous by increased integration of markets of all types, economic, but especially financial and social. In a tightly woven financial and social web, the contagious consequences of a single event can thus bring the world to its knees. That was the Lehman Brothers story.
These cliff-edge dynamics in socioeconomic systems are becoming increasingly familiar. Social dynamics around the Arab Spring in many ways closely resembled financial system dynamics following the failure of Lehman Brothers four years ago. Both are complex, adaptive networks. When gripped by fear, such systems are known to behave in a highly non-linear fashion due to cascading actions and reactions among agents. These systems exhibit a robust yet fragile property: swan-like serenity one minute, riot-like calamity the next.
These dynamics do not emerge from most mainstream models of the financial system or real economy. The reason is simple. The majority of these models use the framework of a single representative agent (or a small number of them). That effectively neuters the possibility of complex actions and interactions between agents shaping system dynamics.
The financial system is an archetypical complex, adaptive socioeconomic system – and has become more so over time. In the early years of this century, financial chains lengthened dramatically, system-wide maturity mismatches widened alarmingly and intrafinancial system claims ballooned exponentially. The system became, in consequence, a hostage to its weakest link. When that broke, so too did the system as a whole. Communications networks and social media then propagated fear globally.
Conventional models, based on the representative agent and with expectations mimicking fundamentals, had no hope of capturing these system dynamics. They are fundamentally ill-suited to capturing today’s networked world, in which social media shape expectations, shape behaviour and thus shape outcomes.
This calls for an intellectual reinvestment in models of heterogeneous, interacting agents, an investment likely to be every bit as great as the one that economists have made in DGSE models over the past 20 years. Agent-based modelling is one, but only one, such avenue. The construction and simulation of highly non-linear dynamics in systems of multiple equilibria represents unfamiliar territory for most economists. But this is not a journey into the unknown. Sociologists, physicists, ecologists, epidemiologists and anthropologists have for many years sought to understand just such systems. Following their footsteps will require a sense of academic adventure sadly absent in the pre-crisis period.
ReferencesCoyle, Diane (2012),What’s the use of economics? Introduction to the Vox debateVoxEU.org, 19 September.