Showing posts with label review. Show all posts
Showing posts with label review. Show all posts

Thursday, 13 February 2014

The economics spring: Is it springing?

The economics spring: Is it springing?

The economics spring: Is it springing?

Written by  Dan Gay Tuesday, 03 September 2013 
Web Source Renegade Economist

       
About 18 months ago I wrote a post titled the Economics Spring which argued that the Keen/Krugman debate represented a tipping point in economics. But if we look now has economics really changed?
I wrote that: "Most economists failed to understand or predict the global economic crisis, and should therefore be deposed. Just as the despots of north Africa and the middle East crumbled in the face of a critical mass of popular opposition, so too mainstream economics is looking shaky in the fresh-faced glare of laymen."

Establishment economists have been so bad at understanding the crisis that a lot of knowledgeable outsiders look far more convincing -- and their remedies better.


Krugman's acknowledgement of Keen was unprecedented: Keen was a guy from a supposedly minor Australian university who wrote a demolition-job of mainstream economics over a decade ago which rejected almost the whole mainstream. Until last year he was completely unheard-of outside heterodox circles. Here he was having a bust-up with a Nobel prizewinner, one of the most-read economics bloggers.

But has economics really changed?

In some ways, yes. Keen continued to work the media circuit, winning lots of attention and securing funding for his Minsky dynamic monetary model. Partly because of his efforts, endogenous money, modern monetary theory and post-Keynesian economics are more prominent. The Real World Economic Review has 23,000 subscribers and its blog remains a go-to destination for questioning economists. The launch of the online open-access World Economic Review journal met with flood of sign-ups. There's even a whole new institute dedicated to new economic thinking.


Krugman, surely one of the most exciting academic bloggers, continues to skirmish with the fringes, leading some to suggest that he is becoming progressively more radical. Three times this year the New York Times columnist has mentioned Michal Kalecki. Last week he said the neoclassical synthesis was breaking down: practically the equivalent of a Jew rejecting the Torah. His 2009 New York Review of Books essay said that the previous two decades of macroeconomics had been a "waste of time". Later he called macroeconomics a "sorry spectacle of unnecessary ignorance".

Duncan Weldon said that Krugman's neoclassical synthesis post was one of the most significant blog posts on economics he's ever read. In itself it's a huge admission for a successful academic economist to admit that power, rather than the marketplace of ideas, dictates which theories become prominent. Next Krugman noted the decline of new growth theory, the next big thing when I was a student.

Other academics have similarly started to question the very essentials of mainstream economics. Here's Mark Blyth of Brown University:

“...a notion I used to give short thrift to but am really having to rethink this now – the old Marxist notion of the long run crises of overaccumulation and overproduction.”
...

“Now I teach [the Philips curve] every year and I have two slides.  The first slide I use is the data from Britain in the 1970s that Milton Friedman used to calibrate this model, to prove it is right.  It only has nine data points, I mean Jesus Christ it’s ridiculous – nine data points for a whole macro theory.  But it does show this pretty nice pattern and we’ve been teaching this stuff ever since in every macroeconomics class.  But the next slide I show is the data from Britain from 1992 to 2007.  It’s based on twice as much data and it’s horizontal.  So what does that mean?  It means basically that the model is completely wrong empirically.  It means that in fact you can have pretty much any level of unemployment you want and a constant rate of inflation, which is actually the world we live in now.”

“So what is the first function of economic knowledge?  It’s prejudice.  It teaches you to think about the world in a certain way so that your bottom line response is: no you can’t do that because of the Phillips curve.  Government action is pointless and will only produce more inflation.”

Never mind the lefties; the crisis already prompted a catalogue of mainline economists to question tenets of the mainstream, people like John Kay and former Bank of England monetary policy committee member Willem Buiter. It seems like not a month goes by without a press article lamenting the state of economics.


But do a few newspaper pieces, blogs and retweets make any difference?


Maybe not: the curricula and journals show little sign of changing. The latest issue of the American Economic Review features such page turners as: "Does Disability Insurance Receipt Discourage Work? Using Examiner Assignment to Investigate Causal Effects of SSDI Receipt." (The answer: yes, mostly). The Quarterly Journal of Economics has a ground breaker on: "Rules with Discretion and Local Information."

The Harvard undergraduate economics guide continues to take the very standard view that: "An economic analysis begins from the premise that individuals have goals and that they pursue those goals as best they can. Economics studies the behavior of social systems – such as markets, corporations, legislatures, and families – as the outcome of interactions through institutions between goal-directed individuals."

The syllabus follows the classic, mainline perspective, with no requirement to study the history of economics or the history of economic thought, let alone contemporary economics traditions other than the neoclassicals. Harvard is probably representative of most universities, despite a walk-out two years ago by students who said that their course pushes a “strongly conservative neoliberal ideology.” In this they echoed a 2003 Harvard petition and the earlier French post-Autistic student movement, which criticised the neoliberal stance of the mainstream.

But as Krugman says, maybe the malcontents don't need to bother with the journals any more. "...the amount of good stuff — stuff delivered in real time, on blogs open to anyone who wants to read rather than in the pages of economics journals with a few thousand readers at most — is amazing. When it comes to useful economic analysis, these are the good old days."
 

In several cases the Arab spring wasn't a wholesale confrontation of power -- Syria aside. It was a gradual simmering-to-the-surface of widespread discontent. New media like Facebook and Twitter helped fan the flames. Often, true revolutions occur when radicals subvert the status quo and simply start doing new things in new ways. Without wishing to sound like a dedicated follower of Foucault, trying to fight power structures only tends to reinforce them. A bunch of disorganised malcontents are never going to beat an organised army.

Economics is a constantly mutating phenomenon, and it's quite difficult to define exactly what it is or what the 'mainstream' is. Deirdre McCloskey prefers the term 'post-Samuelsonian'. Even the term neoclassical presents difficulties -- does it include recent developments like behavioural or experimental economics? Some don't even think that the economics of information for which the likes of Stiglitz and Akerlof got their Nobel prize is mainstream. Even self-declared new Keynesians like Krugman, Stiglitz and Mankiw have thought of themselves as outsiders. I'm not sure that Krugman is quite the upstart that some seem to think. Dropping a few marginalised names does not a radical make.

Some fringe economists despair the slipperiness of the mainstream, but diversity and fragmentation are surely assets. It's just about conceivable that the current academic journals and courses will become more and more irrelevant and that questioning, knowledgeable outsiders and critical students will simply walk past the academic gatekeepers into new, pluralistic territory which reflects the ideas of the whole world, not just Europe and the United States -- and where no single method dominates. People will increasingly surf the Internet and find out for themselves. The big questions, in my view, are to what extent the open economics of the blogosphere and web will supersede the paid-for paper journals, and whether new ideas start filtering through to policy. If the rest of the world is anything to go by, the future is bright (with a few cloudy spells).

Friday, 5 April 2013

The Future by Al Gore – review

Al Gore's alarming new guide to what needs to change in world politics is essential reading
A gas flare burns at a fracking site in Pennsylvania
Risking water supplies: a gas flare burns at a fracking site in rural Pennsylvania. Photograph: Les Stone/Reuters
According to reliable reports, the new leadership in Beijing has been reading Alexis de Tocqueville. It's not hard to see why China's elite might look for guidance to the aristocratic French thinker. In his classic text The Ancien Regime and the Revolution (1856), de Tocqueville wrote that the danger of revolution is not greatest in the depths of poverty and despair but when conditions have been improving – especially if some are benefiting far more than others. The relevance of this for China is obvious. The implications for policy are rather less so, since de Tocqueville also warned that for a bad government, the moment of greatest danger comes when it starts to reform. In such circumstances, repression might be a more prudent course of action. This troubling ambiguity could explain why Chinese readers, struggling to decipher the intentions of their rulers, made de Tocqueville's book a national bestseller.


The Future
by Al Gore


From a parochial British perspective, what might be most significant is the fact that China's rulers are reading de Tocqueville at all. It is difficult to imagine David Cameron devoting any time to a 19th-century thinker. Along with much of the political class, the prime minister seems resistant to the notion that history has anything to teach, and looks for guidance to writers who extol the wisdom of crowds, explain the momentous importance of tipping points or pass on the revelation that humans are social animals – the fleeting nostrums of the airport bookstore. But if our rulers will not read the classics then they must read Al Gore, who, after eight years of reading and thinking, has produced a guide for the politically perplexed that will surely endure.
Gore starts with six drivers of change, which together make the world fundamentally different from the way it was even a few decades ago: a more globalised economy, planet-wide electronic communications and developments in robotics, a new political economy in which influence and initiative is shifting from west to east, unsustainable population growth and resource depletion, advances in biological, biochemical and materials science that enable human beings to reshape the fabric of life as never before, and a radically unstable relationship between human civilisation and the earth's ecological systems, particularly its atmosphere and climate. The question is whether our thinking can keep up with the pace of these closely interconnected and mutually reinforcing changes.
Gore tells us that the astrologers of ancient Babylon used a double clock – one for measuring the timescale of human affairs and another for tracking the celestial movements they believed shaped earthly events. Today the timescales of planetary change and human events are coming together, he believes, and unless we change our intellectual habits the outcome will be disastrous. Interestingly and plausibly, one of the obstacles to new thinking he singles out is a mechanistic understanding of science. Warning against "prideful overconfidence in the completeness of one's own understanding", he writes: "Nor is the posture of fundamentalism unique to the religious. Reductionism – the belief that scientific understanding is usually best pursued by breaking down phenomena into their component parts and subparts – has sometimes led to a form of selective attention that can cause the observer to overlook emerging phenomena that arise in complex systems, and in their interaction with other complex systems." These are wise words. Among many examples that could be cited, the attempt of economists to emulate a simplified version of natural science led not only to a failure to predict the financial crisis but also an inability to recognise that such a crisis was a realistic possibility.
Applying a formidable mix of history, science and common experience, Gore has produced a luminously intelligent analysis that is packed with arresting ideas and facts. The peaking of global conventional oil production that occurred some 30 or more years ago, the risks to fresh water supplies posed by fracking, the rapid ongoing evolution of cyber-warfare, the dangers and potential benefits of biotechnology and the possibility of genetic engineering of human brains are only a few of the facts, likely developments and possibilities that the former American vice-president explores. Summarising this rich and ambitious book in any detail is impossible. You simply have no alternative to reading it.
Some themes stand out as being especially salient. Unlike those – pious bien-pensants as much as religious bigots – who fume and splutter whenever the subject of population is mentioned, Gore recognises the increase of human numbers as one of the world's largest challenges. "During the last century alone, we quadrupled the human population. By way of perspective, it took 200,000 years for our species to reach the one billion mark, yet we have added that many people in just the first thirteen years of this century." With unchecked population growth and worldwide industrialisation, humankind has embarked on "an unplanned experiment with the planet".
Despite the incessant machinations of climate deniers, there is no scientific basis for doubt as to the reality of anthropogenic climate change. Some who accept the evidence suggest that rather than attempting to halt the activities that result in global warming we should adapt to the process as it goes along; but in Gore's view, muddling through is not an option. "Our world is at stake. Not the planet itself; it would survive quite nicely without human civilisation, albeit in an altered state."
Gore believes this nemesis can be avoided as long as America can find the inner resources to renew its standing in the world. "The best chance for success in shaping a positive future and avoiding catastrophe," he writes, "is the re-establishment of a transcendent capacity for global leadership by the United States." He seems confident that the paralysing divisions of recent years can be overcome, and events do seem to be moving in that direction. Having faced down the right and avoided the fiscal cliff, Obama might prevail again over the raising of the debt ceiling. In that case, American government will be reinvigorated, although politics would still be more deeply polarised than in any other major state. But there is a larger difficulty in America's reclaiming its former pre-eminence. American decline is not a self-induced process that can be reversed by an act of national will. What has altered America's position irrevocably is globalisation – the emergence of China, India and other countries on to the world stage.
This isn't just a question of economics. Gore believes a planetary civilisation is emerging, but the idea that the spread of global markets and worldwide communications works to dissolve cultural barriers is merely an ideological assumption. One of the more striking developments of the past years has been the re-assertion by Chinese and Russian leaders of the distinct separateness of their cultures. Of course this is partly an attempt to salvage the authoritarian systems over which these leaders currently preside. But the re-assertion of differences is more than a dubious political stratagem. In Europe, toxic forms of nationalism are re-emerging alongside the push to greater integration. Far from economic liberalisation promoting universalism, the result may be a revival of old divisions.
Despite all that he writes of the forces that are altering the world, Gore seems to believe that history will continue on much the same trajectory that it has followed since the storming of the Bastille and the American founding. Here the contrast with China's leaders is striking. For them, the French revolution appears to have importance chiefly as a warning – hence their interest in the writings of de Tocqueville. Seeing history in terms of dynasties and epochs, China's rulers attach no special significance to the revolutions of the past few centuries. It is an attitude that time may well vindicate. But even these devotees of the long view will have much to learn from Gore's book, a tour de force that no government can afford to ignore.
• John Gray's The Silence of Animals is published by Penguin later this month.

Monday, 21 January 2013

Zombie Economics..

bookjacket

Zombie Economics:
How Dead Ideas Still Walk among Us
John Quiggin

2012 Co-winner of a Gold Medal in the Axiom Business Book Awards in the category of Economics
Named one of the 2010 Top Thirty Business Books of the Year, Bloomberg News (bloomberg.com/news)
Named one of the 2010 Books of the Year in Nonfiction Round-Up in the Business & Economics list, Financial Times (FT.com)
One of the 2011 "Must Read" Economics Books, Naked Capitalism blog, Yves Smith
Cloth | 2010 | $24.95 / £16.95 | ISBN: 9780691145822
216 pp. | 6 x 9 | 4 line illus.
Shopping Cart | Reviews | Table of Contents
Introduction [PDF]
Google full text of this book:
 
Also available in paperback
John Quiggin
Guardian interview
In the graveyard of economic ideology, dead ideas still stalk the land.
The recent financial crisis laid bare many of the assumptions behind market liberalism--the theory that market-based solutions are always best, regardless of the problem. For decades, their advocates dominated mainstream economics, and their influence created a system where an unthinking faith in markets led many to view speculative investments as fundamentally safe. The crisis seemed to have killed off these ideas, but they still live on in the minds of many--members of the public, commentators, politicians, economists, and even those charged with cleaning up the mess. In Zombie Economics, John Quiggin explains how these dead ideas still walk among us--and why we must find a way to kill them once and for all if we are to avoid an even bigger financial crisis in the future.
Zombie Economics takes the reader through the origins, consequences, and implosion of a system of ideas whose time has come and gone. These beliefs--that deregulation had conquered the financial cycle, that markets were always the best judge of value, that policies designed to benefit the rich made everyone better off--brought us to the brink of disaster once before, and their persistent hold on many threatens to do so again. Because these ideas will never die unless there is an alternative, Zombie Economics also looks ahead at what could replace market liberalism, arguing that a simple return to traditional Keynesian economics and the politics of the welfare state will not be enough--either to kill dead ideas, or prevent future crises.

John Quiggin is professor of economics at the University of Queensland in Australia.


Review:
"This book is certainly a good read for anyone eager to know why it is urgent that economists come up with a socially useful body of thought or suggestions."--Shanghai Daily
"Entertaining and thought-provoking. . . . [W]orks as a good summary for non-specialists of how the economics debate has developed."--Philip Coggan, Economist
"Quiggin is a writer of great verve who marshals some powerful evidence."--Financial Times (FT Critics Pick 2010)
"Lucid, lively and loaded with hard data, passionate, provocative and . . . persuasive. . . . [Zombie Economics] should be required reading, even for those who aren't Keynesians or Krugmaniacs."--Glenn C. Altschuler, Barron's
"Apparently some economists have a sense of humor, dismal though it may be. Quiggin uses the 2008 global financial crisis as the focal point for examining five core macroeconomic and financial theories that have been--to use zombie terminology--killed by our current predicament. . . . Economics students and interested lay readers will find this valuable."--Library Journal
"Erroneous economic ideas resemble the living dead, writes John Quiggin in his smart new book Zombie Economics. They are dangerous yet impossible to kill. Even after a financial crisis buries them, they survive in our minds and can rise unbidden from the necropolis of ideology."--James Pressley, Bloomberg News
"The financial crisis has disproved many cherished tenets of 'market liberalism', such as the 'Efficient Markets Hypothesis', yet these zombie ideas still shamble through newspapers and journals. Enter economist Quiggin, calmly wielding dual shotguns to blast them relentlessly in the face. . . . As Quiggin explains with elegance, lucidity and deadpan humour, the undead ideas here are interconnected: killing one causes it to knock over another in a sort of zombie-dominoes effect."--Guardian
More reviews
Table of Contents
This book has been translated into:
  • Italian
Another Princeton book authored or coauthored by John Quiggin:




 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 More details of the above. RS

Introduction
Talk
The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. JM Keynes
Ideas are long-lived. They often outlive their originators, and, even when they have proved themselves wrong and dangerous, they are very hard to kill.
Before the global financial crisis ideas like the Efficient Markets Hypothesis and the Great Moderation were very much alive. Their advocates dominated mainstream economics and their influence, acknowledged or not, guided the thinking of the practical men and women whose decisions created a financial system in which tens of trillions of dollars of interlinked obligations were built on a foundation of speculative, or entirely spurious investments, and a global economy in which both households and nations lived far beyond their means.
Today these ideas appear to be defunct. Commentators who were proclaiming, a year or two ago, that the business cycle had been tamed, and replaced by a Great Moderation in economic activity, have admitted their error or, more commonly, moved on to talk of other things. The claim that financial markets make the best possible use of economic information, and can never be subject to irrational bubbles, is rarely made, and usually hedged with all kinds of qualifications and escape clauses.
But habits of mind and thought are hard to change, especially when there is no ready-made alternative. The ideas that brought the global financial system to the brink of meltdown, and have already caused thousands of firms to fail and cost millions of workers their jobs, still underlie the thinking of those who are trying to respond to the crisis and, to a large extent, of the commentators and analysts who assess those responses. These ideas are neither alive nor dead; rather, they are undead, or zombie ideas. Hence the title of this book.
If we are to understand the financial crisis, and avoid the kinds of responses that set the stage for a new and even bigger crisis in a few years time, we must understand the ideas that got us to this point. This book describes six ideas that have played a role … Some of them, like the Efficient Markets Hypothesis and Micro-based macroeconomics belong to the realm of technical economic theory. Others, such as privatisation and central bank independence are specific policy prescriptions, ultimately derived from these abstract ideas. Still others like the Great Moderation and Trickle-down economics, are catchphrases that incorporate a set of claims about how the economy works, or worked in the thirty years or so before the current crisis.
Together these ideas form a package which has been given various names: : Thatcherism in the United Kingdom, Reaganism in the United State, economic rationalism in Australia, the Washington Consensus in the developing world and “neoliberalism’ in academic discussions. Most of these terms are pejorative, reflecting the fact that it is critics of a dominant theoretical or ideological framework who feel the need to define it and analyse it. Politically dominant elites don’t see themselves as acting ideologically and react with hostility when ideological labels are pinned on them. From the inside, ideology usually looks like common sense. The most neutral term I can find for the set of ideas described by these pejoratives is ‘market liberalism’, and this is the term that will be used in this book.
The book is organised in a way that I hope will help readers to understand how market liberalism depends on ideas that have failed the test of the global financial crisis, and which, if they continue to influence policy, will ensure a repetition of the crisis. Each chapter starts with a section describing the beginnings of the idea, followed by a section on its theoretical and policy implications. The next section describes the failure of the idea. In most cases, problems were evident well before the current crisis, but those who pointed them out were dismissed or ignored. The final section, entitled “What next”, looks at alternative ideas that may point to an alternative to market liberalism. The final chapter, “Economics for the 21st Century” looks more generally at the kind of policy ideas that will be needed in the light of the failure of market liberalism. A simple return to traditional Keynesian economics and the politics of the welfare state will not be sufficient. It is necessary to develop both economic theories and policy programs that respond to the realities of the 21st century economy.
Back to Start for an outline of the book

http://www.amazon.com/Zombie-Economics-Ideas-Still-among/dp/0691154546#reader_0691154546

Thursday, 17 January 2013

What has Nature Ever Done for Us? The answer is a hell of a lot

What has Nature Ever Done for Us? The answer is a hell of a lot

Jessica Shankleman hails Tony Juniper's latest book as a must-read for sustainability executives and their colleagues

By Jessica Shankleman 14 Jan 2013
What has Nature Ever Done for Us by Tony Juniper

Verdict
Accessible, knowledgable, and a must read for green executives
Pros: A meticulously researched and compelling argument, backed by a highly readable style

Cons: Some of the arguments and anecdotes will already be familiar to green executives
The word "nature" isn't usually written with a capital letter, but for the Prince of Wales' introduction to Tony Juniper's new book, "Nature" becomes a proper noun.
From the $3.7tr that could be saved through carbon capture by halving the deforestation rate, to the $81bn worth of damage caused by Hurricane Katrina, What has Nature Ever Done for Us? vividly reminds readers about the economic value of our natural resources, and what we stand to lose by ignoring and eradicating them.
Published today, Juniper's sixth book is so clearly written and enjoyably readable that it looks set to become a valuable tool for business leaders and students striving to gain a better understanding of the green economy.
Throughout 12 chapters, each covering a different aspect of the natural world, Juniper delivers fact after fact illustrating just how dependent our economic success has become, and will continue to be, on nature. With an engaging and non-preachy tone, he joins the dots for readers explaining how the impact of human activity on nature could have much wider unintended consequences elsewhere.
One of the more startling examples shows how the dramatic drop in population of India's "natural bin men" – vultures – appears to have inadvertently led to a rise in dog populations, and therefore rabies cases, costing the country around $34bn by some estimates.
The other chapters cover a range of topics, including the value of pollination, fish, and soil, which Juniper says alone could capture 5.5 billion tonnes of additional carbon each year if it were better managed.
Juniper takes a traditional "people, planet, profit" triple bottom line approach, highlighting the emerging trend for businesses to try and integrate the value of natural capital into their business models.
Companies such as Puma, whose environmental profit and loss account seeks to put an economic value on its environmental impact, or Interface, which has pioneered eco-friendly designs and closed loop resource thinking to produce its carpet tiles, will find much to vindicate their approach here.
The book does not focus on many of the more well-known low carbon technologies, such as wind turbines and electric cars, and instead Juniper highlights some of the less celebrated innovations that have already, or could in future, improve our lifestyles while preserving the environment. One surprising example is the horseshoe crab, whose copper based blood is still considered the best substance for testing the sterility of drugs – no synthetic alternative has proved as successful. He  also draws attention to elephants' giant guts, which have helped us to develop more efficient ways of making biofuels, as we better understand how they break down food.
Some of the natural processes Juniper describes are so fundamental to our existence, such as photosynthesis or the story of evolution, that his explanations might strike as a little basic to readers already au fait with the latest environmental thinking. (Anyone whose seen Fatboy Slim's Right Here, Right Now video understands the basic process of evolution, right?)
But nevertheless, both novices and experts can draw lessons from the way Juniper communicates these concepts in an incredibly accessible way. In fact, the book could prove a particularly valuable resource for sustainability leaders who struggle to convince their colleagues and senior management about the value of green projects.

With a foreword by Prince Charles, and its richly interwoven facts and figures, What Has Nature Ever Done for Us? deserves to be a hit with nature lovers and business leaders alike.


REF Site 

Saturday, 12 January 2013

Economics of Anti-Capitalist, Anti-Globalist and Radical Green Movements



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* Book: Babylon and Beyond. The Economics of Anti-Capitalist, Anti-Globalist and Radical Green Movements. By Derek Wall.

Review

Jeremy Williams:
"This is a vital book for those who, like me, recognise that there is much to stand against in our current consumer culture, but who find themselves caught between light-bulb replacing platitudes on one side, and angry radicalism on the other. It turns out that the protest movement is broader and more diverse than I realised, and more thought-out and intentional than the news footage would imply.
Anyone with a social conscience and a eye on the newspapers knows that the consumer society is not all it seems, that there is a catalogue of atrocities behind the shiny veneer. We know that the gap between the rich and the poor is widening, that trade is unfair, that our consumption patterns are unsustainable, and that globalisation has not delivered its much lauded benefits evenly. The problem is, what do you do about it? How else could it work? And even if we can imagine an alternative, where do you start dismantling a whole world order?
Babylon and Beyond explores the many different answers to those questions. For some, the answer lies in reform of our financial institutions, making sure globalisation continues, but more fairly, at a workable pace. Others believe that the system is beyond repair, and we need communism instead, or to revert to peasant farming and self-sufficiency. Some want to focus on corporations, others on monetary reform. There are an awful lot of ideas and potential solutions out there, some good, practical and possible, others not so useful.
Derek Wall is a historian and an economist, and a leading member of the UK Green Party, which makes him the perfect guide through this maze of ideas. Wall knows which voices are the ones worth listening too, whether he agrees with them or not. So George Soros and Joseph Stiglitz get a whole chapter between them, as the leading voices for change within the capitalist system, a kind of `more but better' globalisation that Wall suggests `illustrates the truth that a bridge that only stands on one side of the river is no bridge at all'. David Korten and Naomi Klein, with their focus on corporations and brands, are another chapter. Localism, marxism and anarchism are also explored.
For me personally, the chapter on ecosocialism resonated the most, a marriage between green politics and a marxist understanding of capitalism. The view that capitalism is responsible for the current ecological crisis is self-evident to me, so I sympathise with the ecosocialist cause. I also value the insight that there are two kinds of environmentalism - north and south. In the north, environmentalism is a choice, an optional concern. In the south, it is a matter of life and death.
The future will undoubtedly pick and choose from many of the different philosophies here, but what I appreciate most is that Wall is confident that these movements are not wasting their time. Although some are not going far enough, and some are barking up the wrong tree, Wall sees hope in all sorts of places, like the slow movement, open source software, allotments. In fact underpinning the book is the belief that `economics can be bent towards serving the needs of humanity and nature rather than its own violent abstract growth', and that's an important message." (http://another-green-world.blogspot.com/2011/08/economics-can-be-bent-towards-serving.html)

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