Showing posts with label growth. Show all posts
Showing posts with label growth. Show all posts

Friday, 28 March 2014

Universal Currency Could Hold Key To Stability And Growth

SINGLE GLOBAL CURRENCY
 

The success of the euro has fueled interest in a plan for global monetary union that could end currency crises and boost world trade.



For decades there has been a groundswell of opinion developing in support of a single global currency. With the success of the euro, a project that many observers expected to end in embarrassing and costly failure, the pressure to create a global currency is only increasing.

The benefits from a universal currency would be enormous, its proponents say. An estimated $400 billion a year in foreign-exchange transaction costs would be eliminated. There would be no currency fluctuations or currency crises. There would be no need for central banks to hold foreign currency reserves, which hang like a sword of Damocles over the markets as central banks and sovereign wealth funds shift their massive holdings.

With a single global currency, prices worldwide would be denominated in the same unit and could be easily compared. Trade between countries would be as simple as interstate commerce in the United States. Global travelers would not have to worry about changing their money and paying fees for this inconvenience.

A world currency would lead to an enormous increase in the gains from trade and real incomes of all countries, including the US, says Robert Mundell, a Columbia University economist who won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1999 for his work on optimum currency areas and his analysis of monetary and fiscal policy under different exchange-rate regimes. “The benefits to each country from a stable currency that is also a universal currency would be enormous,” Mundell says in a posting on his web page. “If the whole world were dollarized, there would be a common inflation rate and similar interest rates, a considerable increase in trade, productivity and financial integration, all of which would produce a considerable increase in economic growth and well-being,” he says.

Whether or not a world currency can be achieved in the near future will depend as much on politics as economics, according to Mundell. To avoid the parochial national connotation of the “dollar,” he suggests calling the world unit the “intor,” a contraction of the words “international” and “or,” French for gold.

“My ideal and equilibrium solution would be a world currency (but not a single world currency) in which each country would produce its own unit that exchanges at par with the world unit,” Mundell says. A Group of Three open-market committee designated by the board of the International Monetary Fund would determine how many intors produced each year would be consistent with price stability, he says.
 
Virtual World Leads the Way
A somewhat similar currency, the Linden dollar, already exists in a 3-D virtual world on the Internet, known as Second Life, which has its own economy. In September fashion designer Giorgio Armani opened a clothing shop in Second Life. It is a replica of Armani’s flagship store in Milan. The designer sent an avatar, a virtual replica of himself, to open the virtual store in the online world. Residents of Second Life can use Linden dollars to purchase Armani outfits for their own avatars, or they can get connected to Armani’s new online store if they want to buy clothing to wear in real life, for which they will be billed in real money.

In Second Life, residents can buy and sell virtual products and services, as well as “real estate,” using Linden dollars, which are exchangeable for US dollars and other currencies on market-based currency exchanges. Originally, all “land” comes from San Francisco-based Linden Lab, the owner of the software and the server that make up Second Life.

Morrison Bonpasse, president of the Single Global Currency Association, based in Newcastle, Maine, and one of the leading proponents of a universal currency, says he is aware of Second Life but has not publicized the Linden dollar for fear people will think the idea of a world currency is a fantasy. Instead, his letterhead and the association’s website use a prominently displayed quote from former Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volcker (with his permission), which reads, “A global economy requires a global currency.”

Bonpasse says that globalization and monetary nationalism are a dangerous combination. “The benefits of a single global currency far outweigh the costs, so we should start planning now and avoid further risk and crises,” he says.

The International Monetary Fund, which has a staff of about 2,635 people from 143 countries, should assign 10 economists to begin the long-term project of moving to a single global currency, Bonpasse says. His association’s goal is to have the single currency adopted by 2024, the 80-year anniversary of a United Nations conference convened in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in July 1944. The IMF, an organization of 185 countries, was conceived at the conference, which sought to build a framework for economic cooperation to avoid the disastrous beggar-thy-neighbor economic policies that led to the Great Depression of the 1930s.

“The world’s existing multi-currency system must be replaced, and the IMF should explore this idea,” Bonpasse says. “The only reason the IMF exists is to help the world cope with floating exchange rates.” He says the $3.2 trillion-a-day market for trading national currencies has become hazardous and can bring down even large economies as these currencies lurch up and down with large, unpredictable variations.

The IMF is responsible for ensuring the stability of the international monetary and financial system. It seeks to prevent crises and to help resolve crises when they do occur. “We should not have to wait for the next major currency crisis to begin researching and planning for the single global currency,” Bonpasse says. “With the creation and continued expansion of the eurozone, we now know how to solve the multi-currency problem.”

The single global currency doesn’t have to wait until all 192 countries in the world want to join, Bonpasse says. “Once about half of the countries sign on, the rest would seek to join very quickly,” he predicts. “Everyone would follow the leader. A universal goal of central banks and the people of the world is to have stable money,” he says.

There are several possible routes to the single global currency, according to Bonpasse, including the enlargement of existing monetary unions and the creation of new ones. It is possible that the development of regional currencies similar to the euro in other areas, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), will result in a patchwork of blocs that could link together in the future in a sort of monetary Pangaea, he says. “While regional currencies are preferable to each country having its own currency, the problem is that these regional currencies still have to exist in a multi-currency world,” he explains.

Another route would be a global big bang to introduce the new money everywhere on a pre-announced date. The single world currency would require a global central bank to ensure that the global money supply is carefully managed to control inflation, Bonpasse says.

“We are now much further down the trip to the single global currency than humans were to the moon in 1962, when President John F. Kennedy proclaimed the goal of the United States to land a human being on the moon by the end of that decade,” Bonpasse says. The euro took nine years and 11 months to implement from the February 1992 signing of the Maastricht Treaty to the January 1, 2002, distribution of the new currency among the people of the eurozone, he says.
 
A Utopian Fantasy?

A huge industry composed of currency traders and analysts, backed up by support staff and technology, has developed since the introduction of floating exchange rates in 1973 under the Basel Accord. “I have a personal interest in having as many currencies as possible,” says David Gilmore, partner and economist at Essex, Connecticut-based Foreign Exchange Analytics. “The notion of a single global currency is seemingly a pipedream. I don’t see it happening,” he says.

Today there are at least 147 currencies among the 192 UN member countries. “It is important for national self-interest to have some form of shock absorber to cushion turns in the business cycle,” Gilmore says. “Nations need maximum flexibility.” The lower dollar, for example, helps to offset weakness in the housing market by making US exports more competitive, he says.
 
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The Group of Seven, or G-7, industrialized countries offers a microcosm of what a globally coordinated economy might be like, according to Gilmore. The G-7 was established in 1985 and was successful in its early years with the Plaza Accord and the Louvre Accord to coordinate currency movements. “In the last 15 years, however, it has been little more than a photo opportunity, with very little action in terms of currency initiatives,” Gilmore says. “This reflects the fact that markets don’t have to be told what to do,” he says. “The downside, however, is that they tend to overshoot.”

The single global currency reflects a utopian view of the world, Gilmore says. “In a perfect world, a single currency would make sense, but the political will to create it would have to be enormous,” he says. Meanwhile, it is debatable whether or not the euro has been such a big success, he adds. “The liberalization of economic policies is more a function of politics,” he says. “France, which is running a big trade deficit, can’t get relief on the currency side. There is as much absence of convergence today as in 1999, and the euro faces serious challenges in the future,” he asserts.

Marc Chandler, global head of currency strategy at New York-based Brown Brothers Harriman, says that while the current system of floating exchange rates is not perfect, it is better than a fixed-rate system. He cites Winston Churchill’s famous dictum, “Democracy is the worst form of government, except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.”

A single currency would require an optimal currency zone, which the world is not, according to Chandler. “It would require a world government or central authority,” he says. “You can’t get there from here. We are moving in the opposite direction since the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and 1998, with more currencies being decoupled from the dollar and the introduction of greater flexibility,” he explains. Meanwhile, Central European countries such as Slovakia and Hungary are delaying joining the euro, and the United Kingdom is as far away as it has ever been to introducing the continental currency, he says.

A gold standard or a commodity standard would be too rigid for a single global currency, Chandler says. It would have to be a fiat currency based on the faith placed in it by the people who use it. A global central bank could provide a well-managed and stable currency that could benefit the people of the world, according to Bonpasse. “Most poor people live in countries with poorly managed currencies,” he says. Once they realize the benefits of a global currency, he says, they will demand it.


Gordon Platt


 

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Source Reference for the above article is GLOBAL FINANCE. See below for more details of this journal


Monday, 7 January 2013

Functional Finance

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Functional finance is an economic theory proposed by Abba P. Lerner, based on effective demand principle and chartalism. It states that government should finance itself to meet explicit goals, such as taming the business cycle, achieving full employment, ensuring growth, and low inflation.[citation needed]

Contents

[edit] Principles

The principal ideas behind functional finance can be summarised as:[1]
  • Governments have to intervene; the economy is not self-regulating.
  • The principal economic objective of the state should be to ensure a prosperous economy.
  • Money is a creature of the state; it has to be managed.
  • Fiscal policy should be directed in the light of its impact on the economy, and the budget should be managed accordingly, that is, 'balance' is not important in itself.
  • The amount and pace of government spending should be set in the light of the desired level of activity, and taxes should be levied for their economic impact, rather than to raise revenue.
  • Principles of 'sound finance' apply to individuals. They make sense for households and businesses, but do not apply to the governments of sovereign states, capable of issuing money.

[edit] Rules for fiscal policy

Lerner postulated that government's fiscal policy should be governed by three rules:[1]
  1. There government shall maintain a reasonable level of demand at all times. If there is too little spending and, thus, excessive unemployment, the government shall reduce taxes or increase its own spending. If there is too much spending, the government shall prevent inflation by reducing its own expenditures or by increasing taxes.
  2. By borrowing money when it wishes to raise the rate of interest and by lending money or repaying debt when it wishes to lower the rate of interest, the government shall maintain that rate of interest that induces the optimum amount of investment.
  3. If either of the first two rules conflicts with principles of 'sound finance' or of balancing the budget, or of limiting the national debt, so much the worse for these principles. The government press shall print any money that may be needed to carry out rules 1 and 2.

[edit] History of use

Lerner's ideas were most heavily in use during the Post-World War II economic expansion, when they became basis for most textbook presentations of Keynesian economics and the basis for policy. Thus when Keynesian policy become under fire in the late 60's and early 70's it was Lerner's idea of functional finance most people were attacking. Functional finance lost favor as basis of policy because empirically it did not seem to lead to the desired state of economy. Specifically, 3% initial target for unemployment and low inflation seemed mutually exclusive[citation needed]. Lerner's functional finance rules do not say what the non-inflation accelerating unemployment rate is or what should be done if both low levels of inflation and unemployment cannot be achieved. Lerner recognized these problems and developed his theory of macroeconomics to allow for multiple equilibria and supply-side inflation[citation needed].

[edit] See also

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ a b Edward J. Nell, Mathew Forstater, Reinventing functional finance: transformational growth and full employment, ISBN 1-84542-220-1, Edward Elgar Publishing 2003

[edit] References

[edit] External links




Tuesday, 18 December 2012

The Spirit Level

The way we live now

A hard-hitting study of the social effects of inequality has profound implications, says Lynsey Hanley
We are rich enough. Economic growth has done as much as it can to improve material conditions in the developed countries, and in some cases appears to be damaging health. If Britain were instead to concentrate on making its citizens' incomes as equal as those of people in Japan and Scandinavia, we could each have seven extra weeks' holiday a year, we would be thinner, we would each live a year or so longer, and we'd trust each other more.


The Spirit Level

: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better

by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett


Epidemiologists Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett don't soft-soap their message. It is brave to write a book arguing that economies should stop growing when millions of jobs are being lost, though they may be pushing at an open door in public consciousness. We know there is something wrong, and this book goes a long way towards explaining what and why.
The authors point out that the life-diminishing results of valuing growth above equality in rich societies can be seen all around us. Inequality causes shorter, unhealthier and unhappier lives; it increases the rate of teenage pregnancy, violence, obesity, imprisonment and addiction; it destroys relationships between individuals born in the same society but into different classes; and its function as a driver of consumption depletes the planet's resources.
Wilkinson, a public health researcher of 30 years' standing, has written numerous books and articles on the physical and mental effects of social differentiation. He and Pickett have compiled information from around 200 different sets of data, using reputable sources such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the World Health Organisation and the US Census, to form a bank of evidence against inequality that is impossible to deny.
They use the information to create a series of scatter-graphs whose patterns look nearly identical, yet which document the prevalence of a vast range of social ills. On almost every index of quality of life, or wellness, or deprivation, there is a gradient showing a strong correlation between a country's level of economic inequality and its social outcomes. Almost always, Japan and the Scandinavian countries are at the favourable "low" end, and almost always, the UK, the US and Portugal are at the unfavourable "high" end, with Canada, Australasia and continental European countries in between.
This has nothing to do with total wealth or even the average per-capita income. America is one of the world's richest nations, with among the highest figures for income per person, but has the lowest longevity of the developed nations, and a level of violence - murder, in particular - that is off the scale. Of all crimes, those involving violence are most closely related to high levels of inequality - within a country, within states and even within cities. For some, mainly young, men with no economic or educational route to achieving the high status and earnings required for full citizenship, the experience of daily life at the bottom of a steep social hierarchy is enraging.
The graphs also reveal that it is not just the poor, but whole societies, from top to bottom, that are adversely affected by inequality. Although the UK fares badly when compared with most other OECD countries (and is the worst developed nation in which to be a child according to both Unicef and the Good Childhood Inquiry), its social problems are not as pronounced as in the US.
Rates of illness are lower for English people of all classes than for Americans, but working-age Swedish men fare better still. Diabetes affects twice as many American as English people, whether they have a high or a low level of education. Wherever you look, evidence favouring greater equality piles up. As the authors write, "the relationships between inequality and poor health and social problems are too strong to be attributable to chance".
But perhaps the most troubling aspect of reading this book is the revelation that the way we live in Britain is a serious danger to our mental health. Around a quarter of British people, and more than a quarter of Americans, experience mental problems in any given year, compared with fewer than 10 per cent in Japan, Germany, Sweden and Italy.
Wilkinson and Pickett's description of unequal societies as "dysfunctional" suggests implicit criticism of the approach taken by Britain's "happiness tsar" Richard Layard, who recommended that the poor mental health of many Britons be "fixed" or improved by making cognitive behavioural therapy more easily available. Consumerism, isolation, alienation, social estrangement and anxiety all follow from inequality, they argue, and so cannot rightly be made a matter of individual management.
There's an almost pleading quality to some of Wilkinson and Pickett's assertions, as though they feel they've spent their careers banging their heads against a brick wall. It's impossible to overstate the implications of their thesis: that the societies of Britain and the US have institutionalised economic and social inequality to the extent that, at any one time, a quarter of their respective populations are mentally ill. What kind of "growth" is that, other than a malignant one?
One question that comes to mind is whether the world's most equal developed nations, Japan and Sweden, make sufficient allowance for individuals to express themselves without being regarded as a threat to the health of the collective. Critics of the two societies would argue that both make it intensely difficult for individual citizens to protest against the conformity both produced by, and required to sustain, equality. The inclination to dismiss or neuter individuals' complaints may, Wilkinson and Pickett suggest, go some way towards explaining the higher suicide rates in both countries compared with their more unequal counterparts. Those who feel wrong, or whose lives go wrong, may feel as though they really do have no one to blame but themselves.
What Japan and Sweden do show is that equality is a matter of political will. There are belated signs - shown in the recent establishment of a National Equalities Panel and in Trevor Phil lips's public pronouncements on the central place of class in the landscape of British inequality - that Labour recognises that its relaxed attitude to people "getting filthy rich" has come back to bite it on the rear.
Twelve years in power is long enough to reverse all the trends towards greater social and economic stratification that have occurred since 1970; instead they have continued on their merry way towards segregation. Teenage pregnancy rates have begun to rise after a period of decline; there is a 30-year gap in male life expectancy between central Glasgow and parts of southern England; and child poverty won't be halved by next year after all (though it wouldn't make as much difference as making their parents more equal).
There are times when the book feels rather too overwhelmingly grim. Even if you allow for the fact that it was written before Barack Obama won the US presidency on a premise of trust and optimism, its opening pages are depressing enough to make you want to shut it fast: "We find ourselves anxiety-ridden, prone to depression, driven to consume and with little or no community life." Taking the statistics broadly, they may be correct, but many readers simply won't feel like that.
However, the book does end on an optimistic note, with a transformative, rather than revolutionary, programme for making sick societies more healthy. A society in which all citizens feel free to look each other in the eye can only come into being once those in the lower echelons feel more valued than at present. The authors argue that removal of economic impediments to feeling valued - such as low wages, low benefits and low public spending on education, for instance - will allow a flourishing of human potential.
There is a growing inventory of serious, compellingly argued books detailing the social destruction wrought by inequality. Wilkinson and Pickett have produced a companion to recent bestsellers such as Oliver James's Affluenza and Alain de Botton's Status Anxiety . But The Spirit Level also contributes to a longer view, sitting alongside Richard Sennett's 2003 book Respect: The Formation of Character in an Age of Inequality , and the epidemiologist Michael Marmot's Status Syndrome , from 2005.
Anyone who believes that society is the result of what we do, rather than who we are, should read these books; they should start with The Spirit Level because of its inarguable battery of evidence, and because its conclusion is simple: we do better when we're equal.
• Lynsey Hanley's Estates: An Intimate History is published by Granta