Showing posts with label keen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label keen. Show all posts

Wednesday, 31 December 2014

Circuit Theory and the state of Post Keynesian Economics






I gave a presentation at the 4th Dijon Money conference,  December 10-12 2009.   (A podcast of it is available here.)  Briefly, my paper explained how various conundrums that have stymied the development of Circuit Theory for 20 years were in fact the result of confusing a stock (an initial loan) with a flow (the economic transactions that loan could initiate over a year). With a proper dynamic approach, using the “tabular” method that I outlined here in “The Roving Cavaliers of Credit“, the conundrums are easily solved–watch the presentation to see how (click here for my Powerpoint presentation, and the two Vissim files that I ran are linked here and here (you will need to “right click” to download them, otherwise you’ll just get a text file). If you don’t have the free Vissim Viewer, it is downloadable from here. This is one of the Mathcad files that I showed (use a right-click for this one too; it’s poorly structured–written for my use rather than public consumption–but if you have Mathcadyou’ll be able to follow your way around it).
I presented in a parallel session, the morning after the conference dinner, and had a predictably small audience. However that disadvantage had a fortunate side, because that tiny audience included the two conference organisers Louis-Philippe Rochonand Claude Gnos, as well as Basil Moore and Allin Cottrell. Basil is the venerable father of the proposition that the money supply is endogenously determined, rather than set exogenously by the Central Bank, as is still taught (in wild conflict with both the empirical data and actual Central Bank knowledge and practice) in almost all macroeconomics courses; Louis-Philippe and Claude are well-known and respected Post Keynesian monetary economists; Allin is a very capable exponent of Marxian economics, who unlike most Marxists uses computer modelling extensively in his analysis (I just wish he’d update his webpage, which doesn’t appear to have changed since 1997!).
The discussion was therefore possibly better than it would have been, had I presented in a plenary:
However though I was pleased with the way my paper was received by those present, I was very disappointed with most of the presentations at the conference. Though there were some notable exceptions–one of which I’ll comment on below–the papers were either non-analytic (“What Keynes said was…”, “Economists must take uncertainty seriously…”), bombastic (“The fatal flaw in the capitalist system is …”), or used graphical analytic methods that could not easily be distinguished from the content of an ordinary macroeconomic textbook. There were one or two block diagram expositions, but they too were graphical only–mere drawings, not influence diagrams, and certainly not systems dynamics models.
There are many leading Post Keynesians who weren’t at this conference–including quite a few who attended the Australian Society of Heterodox Economists conference that Peter Kriesler organises at much the same time every year–so I’m not claiming that the papers here are utterly representative of the general state of Post Keynesian economics today. Nevertheless, if they were even mildly representative of the work that Post Keynesian economists are doing in the midst of the biggest crisis that capitalism has faced in seventy years–and one which is causing a crisis in neoclassical economics as well–then they will fail to shift economic theory at all. After ten or fifteen years of economic pain, the neoclassical orthodoxy will be reassembled–since it will be true that “there is no alternative”–and Post Keynesians will remain a noisy and largely ignored minority.
Papers like these, though they are intended to criticise the unreality of neoclassical economics, or to point out issues (uncertainty, bounded rationality, open systems, non-ergodicity, whatever) that should be taken seriously in economics, actually strengthen the resolve of neoclassical economists to do nothing of the sort, since they lack any coherent alternative analytic approach.
Neoclassicals who attend such presentations–which almost always include disparaging remarks about the absurd assumptions neoclassical economists make–walk away quite justifiably thinking that “if that’s the best you can do with realism, then I’ll stick to my ‘absurd assumptions’!”
We can and must do better than that. But to do so, non-orthodox economists have to find tools that can express their vision of the economy analytically, either as mathematical or computer models. If we don’t, then whatever might be said by “Critical Realists” about the inappropriateness of mathematical analysis in economics, or how one can’t model open systems mathematically, the critics will be sidelined in a not too distant future by those who do use such models–and who care a good deal less about realism than the critics do. Yet again, the critics may win the philosophical battle, only to lose the methodological war.
That’s why I’ve put in the effort to learn the methods of dynamical analysis in mathematics (systems of differential equations), engineering (systems dynamics), and computing (multi-agent models), and it’s why I’m trying to develop alternatives to those which make sense in the context of economic modelling–notably my tabular method to develop systems models.
These dynamic models enable us to put our thought processes into a systematic framework, and to explore relations that are simply too complex to follow verbally. This is a major benefit to mathematical analysis that is lost in the critiques non-orthodox economists tend to make of how neoclassicals abuse mathematics: when we outline a causal mechanism verbally, we are in fact stating a differential equation verbally. If we say that “Factor X causes changes in variable Y”, we are actually saying “the rate of change of Y is a function of (amongst other things) Factor X”. In mathematical notation, this is d/dt (Y) = F(X).
The advantage of expressing these concepts mathematically, as well as verbally, is that the mathematical rendition keeps track of all the feedbacks and complex interactions that simply overwhelm our capacity to follow a complex causal process verbally, and they give us a means to provide a rough quantification of how strong those feedback effects are.
The failure to do this within Circuit Theory is why a simple confusion of stocks with flows–mistaking the stock of money for the flows that are initiated by a given stock of money over a year–has stymied for twenty years the development of Graziani’s brilliant insights into a workable theory. As I show in the talk above, the simple expression of the flows initiated by a loan are sufficient to solve all the “conundrums” of Circuit Theory. The conundrums were simply the product of applying the wrong type of analysis–simultaneous equations, “period analysis” with its implicit difference equation form, or worse still mere words–to the issue. A simple application of flow analysis in continuous time shows up all those conundrums for what they really are: confusions resulting from bad analysis and inappropriate analytic methods.
Now I also have to exhort my fellow Post Keynesians to learn at least some of the appropriate methods. Get out of the comfort zone of verbal exposition, historiography, simultaneous equations and graphical analysis–and even the much more sophisticated stock-flow consistent framework of Godley and Lavoie (While this method is certainly a major step in the right direction, using it to try to explain where profit comes from was rather like trying to understand how a horse runs, using photographs of a running horse taken at one hour intervals)–and learn differential equations, or systems dynamics, or computer programming. It’s hard, but the effort is worth it. And if you don’t do it, then prepare to once again be dominated by neoclassical economists once the Global Financial Crisis has passed.
I’ll end on one very positive note: there was one exceptional piece of work done by a PhD student (who is also a full-time school teacher) Pascal Seppecher. He has developed a multi-agent model in Java that also simulates the monetary circuit, and reaches much the same result as I do from a differential equations perspective. His model is called Jamel: Java Agent-based MacroEconomic Laboratory. It’s a brilliant piece of work and I do recommend exploring it.
If a full-time school-teacher with a family can nonetheless acquire the skills and find the time needed to do quality work like this, then it’s high time academic Post Keynesians did the same. Sticking with what you are used to, when what you are used to merely lets you point out what “should be” done rather than actually doing it, is no longer good enough.


Source Ref

Real-World Economics Review Blog

Posts are by authors of papers published in the RWER. Anyone may comment.

Thursday, 13 February 2014

The economics spring: Is it springing?

The economics spring: Is it springing?

The economics spring: Is it springing?

Written by  Dan Gay Tuesday, 03 September 2013 
Web Source Renegade Economist

       
About 18 months ago I wrote a post titled the Economics Spring which argued that the Keen/Krugman debate represented a tipping point in economics. But if we look now has economics really changed?
I wrote that: "Most economists failed to understand or predict the global economic crisis, and should therefore be deposed. Just as the despots of north Africa and the middle East crumbled in the face of a critical mass of popular opposition, so too mainstream economics is looking shaky in the fresh-faced glare of laymen."

Establishment economists have been so bad at understanding the crisis that a lot of knowledgeable outsiders look far more convincing -- and their remedies better.


Krugman's acknowledgement of Keen was unprecedented: Keen was a guy from a supposedly minor Australian university who wrote a demolition-job of mainstream economics over a decade ago which rejected almost the whole mainstream. Until last year he was completely unheard-of outside heterodox circles. Here he was having a bust-up with a Nobel prizewinner, one of the most-read economics bloggers.

But has economics really changed?

In some ways, yes. Keen continued to work the media circuit, winning lots of attention and securing funding for his Minsky dynamic monetary model. Partly because of his efforts, endogenous money, modern monetary theory and post-Keynesian economics are more prominent. The Real World Economic Review has 23,000 subscribers and its blog remains a go-to destination for questioning economists. The launch of the online open-access World Economic Review journal met with flood of sign-ups. There's even a whole new institute dedicated to new economic thinking.


Krugman, surely one of the most exciting academic bloggers, continues to skirmish with the fringes, leading some to suggest that he is becoming progressively more radical. Three times this year the New York Times columnist has mentioned Michal Kalecki. Last week he said the neoclassical synthesis was breaking down: practically the equivalent of a Jew rejecting the Torah. His 2009 New York Review of Books essay said that the previous two decades of macroeconomics had been a "waste of time". Later he called macroeconomics a "sorry spectacle of unnecessary ignorance".

Duncan Weldon said that Krugman's neoclassical synthesis post was one of the most significant blog posts on economics he's ever read. In itself it's a huge admission for a successful academic economist to admit that power, rather than the marketplace of ideas, dictates which theories become prominent. Next Krugman noted the decline of new growth theory, the next big thing when I was a student.

Other academics have similarly started to question the very essentials of mainstream economics. Here's Mark Blyth of Brown University:

“...a notion I used to give short thrift to but am really having to rethink this now – the old Marxist notion of the long run crises of overaccumulation and overproduction.”
...

“Now I teach [the Philips curve] every year and I have two slides.  The first slide I use is the data from Britain in the 1970s that Milton Friedman used to calibrate this model, to prove it is right.  It only has nine data points, I mean Jesus Christ it’s ridiculous – nine data points for a whole macro theory.  But it does show this pretty nice pattern and we’ve been teaching this stuff ever since in every macroeconomics class.  But the next slide I show is the data from Britain from 1992 to 2007.  It’s based on twice as much data and it’s horizontal.  So what does that mean?  It means basically that the model is completely wrong empirically.  It means that in fact you can have pretty much any level of unemployment you want and a constant rate of inflation, which is actually the world we live in now.”

“So what is the first function of economic knowledge?  It’s prejudice.  It teaches you to think about the world in a certain way so that your bottom line response is: no you can’t do that because of the Phillips curve.  Government action is pointless and will only produce more inflation.”

Never mind the lefties; the crisis already prompted a catalogue of mainline economists to question tenets of the mainstream, people like John Kay and former Bank of England monetary policy committee member Willem Buiter. It seems like not a month goes by without a press article lamenting the state of economics.


But do a few newspaper pieces, blogs and retweets make any difference?


Maybe not: the curricula and journals show little sign of changing. The latest issue of the American Economic Review features such page turners as: "Does Disability Insurance Receipt Discourage Work? Using Examiner Assignment to Investigate Causal Effects of SSDI Receipt." (The answer: yes, mostly). The Quarterly Journal of Economics has a ground breaker on: "Rules with Discretion and Local Information."

The Harvard undergraduate economics guide continues to take the very standard view that: "An economic analysis begins from the premise that individuals have goals and that they pursue those goals as best they can. Economics studies the behavior of social systems – such as markets, corporations, legislatures, and families – as the outcome of interactions through institutions between goal-directed individuals."

The syllabus follows the classic, mainline perspective, with no requirement to study the history of economics or the history of economic thought, let alone contemporary economics traditions other than the neoclassicals. Harvard is probably representative of most universities, despite a walk-out two years ago by students who said that their course pushes a “strongly conservative neoliberal ideology.” In this they echoed a 2003 Harvard petition and the earlier French post-Autistic student movement, which criticised the neoliberal stance of the mainstream.

But as Krugman says, maybe the malcontents don't need to bother with the journals any more. "...the amount of good stuff — stuff delivered in real time, on blogs open to anyone who wants to read rather than in the pages of economics journals with a few thousand readers at most — is amazing. When it comes to useful economic analysis, these are the good old days."
 

In several cases the Arab spring wasn't a wholesale confrontation of power -- Syria aside. It was a gradual simmering-to-the-surface of widespread discontent. New media like Facebook and Twitter helped fan the flames. Often, true revolutions occur when radicals subvert the status quo and simply start doing new things in new ways. Without wishing to sound like a dedicated follower of Foucault, trying to fight power structures only tends to reinforce them. A bunch of disorganised malcontents are never going to beat an organised army.

Economics is a constantly mutating phenomenon, and it's quite difficult to define exactly what it is or what the 'mainstream' is. Deirdre McCloskey prefers the term 'post-Samuelsonian'. Even the term neoclassical presents difficulties -- does it include recent developments like behavioural or experimental economics? Some don't even think that the economics of information for which the likes of Stiglitz and Akerlof got their Nobel prize is mainstream. Even self-declared new Keynesians like Krugman, Stiglitz and Mankiw have thought of themselves as outsiders. I'm not sure that Krugman is quite the upstart that some seem to think. Dropping a few marginalised names does not a radical make.

Some fringe economists despair the slipperiness of the mainstream, but diversity and fragmentation are surely assets. It's just about conceivable that the current academic journals and courses will become more and more irrelevant and that questioning, knowledgeable outsiders and critical students will simply walk past the academic gatekeepers into new, pluralistic territory which reflects the ideas of the whole world, not just Europe and the United States -- and where no single method dominates. People will increasingly surf the Internet and find out for themselves. The big questions, in my view, are to what extent the open economics of the blogosphere and web will supersede the paid-for paper journals, and whether new ideas start filtering through to policy. If the rest of the world is anything to go by, the future is bright (with a few cloudy spells).